My story with incest. A story of ultimate revenge…

Dear Red Lips High Heels’ readers,

I have a story to tell, as I am sure others will recognize themselves in its content. I am not writing just to express myself. I am writing because of others… Other men and women who were abused in their childhood, neglected, maltreated, physically, sexually, emotionally… I am writing for the sake of awareness.

My story is a story of incest and rape since I was 7 years old. I was born and raised in what seemed to be a ‘normal’ middle-class family. My parents are learned-people, religious and conservative. No alcoholic issues, no drugs, no gambling, no records of previous crimes. They never spoke about their childhood, about the war and its aftermath. My grandparents, uncles, aunts and cousins are also religious and conservative.

One of my uncles mastered the art of blackmailing while fulfilling his own needs and goals, rather than those of his nieces and nephews. Playing hide and seek was the ultimate joy for us with him. But when I reached 7, playing was only an excuse for him to violate my innocence, my life, my past, present and future. I was unhappy, frightened and distressed. I behaved aggressively and anti-socially for many years, I showed signs of physical neglect and undernourishment, I experienced difficulties with academic achievement and school attendance, I experienced incontinence and mysterious pains… I was afraid to tell my parents. I was afraid to tell my friends. Why would they believe me? My uncle was a popular man in our village, and I was perceived as ‘a difficult child and teenager’. My family’s typical reaction when a rape occurs was (and still is): ‘He is a guy, he couldn’t control himself’, ‘She bought it on herself’.

For many years, my uncle convinced me that what he was doing to me was an expression of love. A subtle form of manipulation… At 14, I wanted to commit suicide. My uncle wanted to get married. Stockholm syndrome most probably, the emotional bonding with the abuser as a survival strategy. I learned it recently. And I learned to progressively escape my victim situation. I learned that this ‘bond’ develops subconsciously and on an involuntary basis in a threatening and controlling environment. I learned not to dissociate from my emotions and not focus on my abuser. I learned it wasn’t my fault. I learned he was a criminal. I learned my life is worth living. I learned that the ultimate revenge is to find happiness. Victim no more!

I am still learning…

Why we must teach/learn Peace

The first step toward change is awareness. The second step is acceptance.
(Nathaniel Branden)
Following the analysis of several documents tackling the issue of war in the Middle East, a student of mine asked this morning: “How can there be Peace in this bloody chaotic no man’s land?”

 This particular question settled in my mind many years ago. I answered it but also acted on the answer in the academic sphere: I started to develop a Peace Education approach that I called “Inter-Human Pedagogy” at the University of Montreal (2004-2006), then deepened and applied in my classrooms at St Josef University of Beirut, Notre Dame University and Holy Spirit University-USEK, targeting at least 3000 students over the course of several semesters since 2007.[1]

 I can share here the following outcome: contrary to what some might say – those who are convinced that violence is the way to stop violence -, Peace can be if taught and learned. 

1-      On Peace Education in Lebanon:

Peace education brings together multiple traditions of pedagogy, theories of education, and international initiatives for the advancement of human development through learning. It is fundamentally dynamic, interdisciplinary, and multicultural and grows out of the work of educators such as John Dewey, Maria Montessori, Paulo Freire, Johan Galtung, Elise and Kenneth Boulding, and many others.

(http://www.un.org/cyberschoolbus/peace/frame.htm)

Peace Education in Lebanon is mainly promoted by non-governmental organizations, mostly interreligious groups – such as Adyan, Arab Group for Muslim-Christian Dialogue, Forum for Development, Dialogue and Culture (FDCD), Initiative of Change, Umam, IPRA, Mouvement social, Offre-Joie, etc.-, as well as artists, intellectuals and online activists. Many initiatives by civil society have contributed to promoting tolerance and Peace since the late 1990s, especially in the last nine years. Grassroots student dialogue clubs have flourished in a number of secondary schools. They conduct off-campus programs and learning projects, weekend workshops, artistic events, summer camps, and participation in virtual social platforms. All share common goals: increasing tolerance, deconstructing stereotypes, reducing prejudices, changing visions of self and other, building interreligious/inter-sectarian bridges, reinforcing a sense of collective identity, contributing to conflict resolution…  International organizations are also involved in the Peacebuilding process. In particular, since the end of the 1990s, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the United Nations Country Team (UNCT) in Lebanon and the Arab Region Office of the Global Youth Network Association (GYAN) based in Beirut, have actively promoted measures for positive youth action.

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh
(Lebanon, 2014)

A survey of the national curricula shows that throughout the 20th century, authorities have viewed education as a potentially unifying force.[i] The official curricula launched after 1943 consistently articulate a desire to bring together the various confessional factions for a cohesive nation through civic education, but apparently with little success. According to Frayha[ii], the social studies curricula and textbooks have lacked an important theme in educating students about their society, that is about pluralism. In Rethinking Education for Social Cohesion (edited by Maha Shuayb),[iii] the authors of several chapters state that Lebanon placed considerable emphasis on developing a school education system geared towards promoting social cohesion and that the Taif Agreement (1989) proposed education as a major means for promoting social cohesion. Consequently, the main objective of the curriculum was to promote citizenship education and social cohesion. The agreement called for schooling that will socialize children into national unity within the framework of Lebanon’s Arab identity. The subsequent Plan for Educational Reform emphasized national integration through instruction of mandatory standardized history and civics in all schools. However, the sectarian communities opposed the plan. Consequently, a New Framework for Education in Lebanon was conceived with two broad aims: the development of individuals able to deal with others in a spirit of responsible, cooperative citizens who can build a cohesive Lebanese society, and who are willing to put the common good ahead of personal interests. The new curriculum was issued in 1997, but the new national history curriculum and textbook have not yet been approved, mainly because of the controversy surrounding the recent history. In Shuayb’s analyses, this curriculum was developed from an authoritarian approach neglecting humanitarian ideologies in citizenship education as it overemphasizes the role of the citizen rather than the development of the personality.

Schools now determine what history they teach and the concepts are often contradictory. My students often expressed their frustration knowing that what they were taught was unilateral and/or not accurate. There is fear among many historians and educators that because no consensus about a common version of the recent history has been reached and taught in schools, the new generations are doomed to repeat the past, with most of them learning history from their parents, sectarian political parties and media.

Educating to Peace in the university context is considered to be a rare phenomenon. Little attention has been paid so far to the integration of Peace programs in universities. They are considered to be low priorities, along with the rest of social studies and the Humanities. Many avoid giving too much attention and resources to Peace studies, Social Sciences and Humanities for fear that some of the programs may become politicized. More emphasis is placed on subjects seen to be tangible and having practical value for competition in the local, regional, and global marketplaces. The crowded curriculum leaves little room for new concepts to be addressed. There is a need for experts and trained teachers/professors to develop contextual Peace education knowledge and to adapt it in classrooms – both in schools and universities.

Some exceptions are noted however: St Josef University offers a Master’s degree in Muslim-Christian Relations. Other universities such as Balamand founded Centers for Dialogue. Al-Makassed – a single faith-based organization which owns a university with an Institute of Islamic Studies – offers courses in Christianity taught by Christian believers. It also organizes punctual gatherings between Christian and Muslim villages. Imam Sadr Foundation works on reconciliation through academic institutions (conferences, workshops) and through development projects to improve the living conditions of the underprivileged.

Nevertheless, Peace Education in universities faces many challenges: 1) there are prevailing misconceptions about the aims and nature of Peace education – noting here that in my ‘Theology of Dialogue’ classrooms, many students perceived dialogue and Peace to be ‘idealistic’ concepts and attitudes, and that Christians should focus on surviving and defending their faith and existence using other means, including ‘just violence’ 2) there is a diversity of definitions of Peace education in the country, and a diversity of implemented approaches – some focus on interfaith dialogue, others on the religions-politics separation; some promote intellectual elitist circles of dialogue, others general public gatherings, spiritual encounters, and dialogue of life…

2-      My approach:

 I define Peace as a complex process of multiple dynamics involving Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, Peacebuilding and certainly, creating Peace in our own hearts, often the last place many people ever find it. Studying Peace/ learning Peace and doing Peace therefore is as much about getting the bombs out of our minds as it is about getting them out of the jihadi groups and authoritarian regimes. It is about replacing these bombs with the messages of Jesus, Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Ibn Arabi, Gibran Khalil Gibran, Mother Theresa, and of many other pacifists with a nonviolence philosophy to live by, even if risky. It is about deconstructing stereotypes, wounded memories and healing traumas. It is about building a ‘living together’, beyond mere coexistence – a living together that certainly starts in schools and universities. Peter Kropotkin, the Russian pacifist, advised the young: “Think about the kind of world you want to live and work in. What do you need to build that world? Demand that your teachers teach you that!”

 Peace is taught in my classrooms not as a philosophy of tree hugging, nor as Jainism portrays nonviolence – the abrupt and strictest possible ascetic life -, but as a way of thinking informed with knowledge of love – the love of humanity – and a way of doing that is not shy about activating confrontation when necessary (active resistance). A positive realistic approach to Peace, targeting both psychological and physical forms of war/violence and developing creative alternatives to passive or aggressive responses at different levels: within any individual, between individuals, within families, communities, neighbourhoods, cities, provinces, nations… 

Peace practitioners and teachers cannot be expected to tackle all of these levels simultaneously and at all times, but certainly students are taught to be aware of the fact that Peace at one level cannot be sustained without Peace at another – for example, within the Civil Society and between heads of political parties – and that a ‘bottom-up’ adapted approach is much needed in a context such as the Lebanese one, where more concrete and effective results are to be gained. In that sense, students learn to discover the types of Peace actors – especially the local actors or ‘insiders’, even if actions undertaken by regional and international actors are often necessary – and the levels at which they should/could intervene – grassroots leadership. They also learn to discover a variety of sources of conflicts such as insecurity, poverty and social/economic inequalities, intra and inter-sectarian clashes, sectarianism, corruption, the continuity of wartime elite and the culture of impunity that protects them, opposing foreign policy orientations, foreign intervention and proxy battle-ground, etc. Nevertheless, the priority in classroom activities remains the psycho-social dimension of the conflicts, since it is an ideal dimension to assess the relevance of bottom-up approaches.[2] 

3-      Advantages:

Below is a summary of the results of a survey I conducted with 500 students assessing my approach: 

70% learned to function in a dialogical environment, where a spirit of understanding and togetherness, and a better mutual listening, allowed them to gain self-confidence and new skills to interact with different people. 

According to 25% of students, changes occurred mainly in attitudes, values and patterns of behaviour, which not only take time to transform but are also elusive and difficult to measure – needless to say that the courses do not result in a change in every student. I often encounter students who continue to believe that their worldview is the ‘right one’ and refuse the possibility of dialogue!

The 25% of students who experienced real change kept in touch with me via online platforms, and became activists for Peace and human rights – either individually or in groups. Often, these students send me messages where they relate what they have learned in my classrooms with their current social engagement. One of them called my approach ‘a pedagogy of engagement’: ‘We did not only learn about war and Peace, but we did Peace. We engaged in acts of civic responsibility in the classrooms and following the courses’. The enthusiasm shown by these students contradicts what has frequently been said about the general disenchantment of young people in Lebanon with politics and social activism. Certainly, there are those who apply the ostrich attitude, and those who follow sectarian-political agendas while hating each other, but there are also those who are looking for the adventure of Peace. 

4-      Limits and Future Perspectives:

Peace Education is being applied on a small scale. It needs to expand in all universities, as well as in schools. There are many conditions to pursue this expansion, such as support from private institutions and public authorities, sustained interaction between students and their teachers, interdependence in carrying out common tasks, etc. In the context of both formal and non-formal education, funding for projects and their sustainability are two major challenges. Only the elite schools and universities can offer sufficiently long training and the very important follow-up. Peace education ought to be considered a public good and as such should be offered as a free service to all.

Inequalities and discrimination constitute a major challenge. They do not disappear when the classroom doors close or when they open again. Students may continue pursuing opposing agendas, especially when they have unsupportive home environments. Even when they are equipped with a new way of perceiving themselves and the ‘others’, they enter into a collision course with their social surroundings holding ‘unquestionable truths’: home, neighborhood, sectarian communities, political parties and the media.

Furthermore, in a context of continuous war – physical and psychological -, and in a general atmosphere of hostility, especially when contradictory and mutually exclusive narratives exist, mirroring each other and delegitimizing each other’s goals, history, humanity and sufferings,  Peace education approaches are hard to disseminate. The chances for success may be very slim where the traditional media, politicians, and even the national educational system convey a mood of suspicion and animosity toward the ‘other’. For Peace education to be highly effective, the objectives and content must be agreed upon on a national level. It cannot remain a socially isolated affair. A culture of Peace is needed on large scale.

Furthermore, because of the bloated, inefficient, and corrupt public education system in Lebanon, there are presently not enough teachers and professors that are equipped to use Peace education approaches in the classroom. Their generation also suffers from the effects of the war, and thus many might hold negative views of others, and have distorted views of the war. Furthermore, professors must ensure that the classroom is a safe space where students can express themselves freely without fear of reprisal, but also where students respect others. When students share their narratives with others, there is a risk other students who feel targeted might be offended, and this would create a hostile environment. The educator must be skilled enough to prevent this and other explosive situations from happening. Hence, training programs and recruitment must take place, and it is unlikely there would be enough political will and public funds to make it happen in the near future.


[1] The results of a qualitative/quantitative study I conducted in order to assess my approach were presented at Oxford (2010) and Balamand (2014) universities.
[2] For more information about my ‘Inter-Human Pedagogy’, please refer to the published proceedings of Balamand’s Conference (March 2014).

[i] Irma-Kaarina Ghosn . The quest for national unity: rhetoric and reality of School Curricula in Lebanon. In IKirylo, J. & Nauman, A. (Eds.). Curriculum Development: Perspectives from around the World. 2010. Chicago: Association for Childhood Education International.
[ii] Frayha, N. Religious Conflict and the Role of Social Studies for Citizenship Education in the Lebanese Schools between 1920 and 1983. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. 1985. California: Stanford University, pp. 349-350.

[iii] Maha Shuayb (ed.). Rethinking Education for Social Cohesion. International Case Studies. 2012. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.

Conseils à un libanais

Par Davina Maria — Inspiré de Conseils à une parisienne d’Alfred de Musset

Oui, si j’étais homme, violent et coléreux
Je voudrais, monsieur,
Faire comme vous;
Sans peur ni pitié, sans tragédie ni drame,
A toutes les femmes
Faire un mauvais coup

Je voudrais n’avoir de soucis au monde
Que ma bouche qui gronde
Mon ventre chéri
Et de pied en cap être le géôlier
Le mieux équipé
De Tyr à Tripoli

Je voudrais garder pour toute science
Cette insouciance
Qui vous va si bien;
Joindre, comme vous, à l’étourderie
Cette rêverie
Qui ne pense à rien

Je voudrais pour moi qu’il fût toujours fête
Et briser la tête
A la plus innocente, corps merveilleux
Etre en même temps de glace et de flamme
Amant dans l’âme
Prédateur dans les yeux

Je détesterais avant toute chose
Ces “Non” en prose
Qui me tapent sur les nerfs
Je tiendrais, dans ma main de fer
Un couteau bien taillé
Pour poignarder celle qui ose me dénigrer

Car c’est si dévalorisant et c’est si incommode
Cette désobéissance à la mode
Cet air supérieur !
Ah! Quelle dépravation!
La femme moderne, une déception.

Je voudrais encore
Avoir votre corps
Vos cris de douleurs
Vos regards et vos pleurs
Je voudrais enfin, vous dominer de nouveau
Comme au bon vieux temps, comme il le faut

Mais moi, je suis femme
Et je ne voudrais pas, si j’étais monsieur
N’être qu’une machine à ordres, dépourvue d’âme
Ou un monstre qui crache du feu

Voyez-vous, mon cher, au siècle où nous sommes
La plupart des hommes
Sont très inconstants
Sur deux amoureux pleins d’un zèle extrême
La moitié nous aime
Pour passer le temps

Quand on est femme, il faut être sage
C’est une des obligations
Que nous infligent les traditions
Mais, ne vous en faites pas, monsieur, vous êtes un mage.

Permettez-moi de vous adresser un seul mot
En échange de tous les maux
Dont vous étiez responsable:
Monsieur, personne n’est coupable
Femme et homme sont égaux
Maîtrisez votre égo
Utilisez votre raison
Car la force n’est pas maître dans votre maison
L’amour est la seule puissance que vous pouvez détenir
La femme, elle, est un fruit, laissez-la mûrir!

Ma petite histoire – aux lectrices et lecteurs de Red Lips High Heels

Je suis une survivante de guerre et voilà mon histoire. Pardonnez-moi de ne pouvoir divulguer mon nom pour le moment. Peut-être qu’un jour…

La guerre, pour moi, advient à l’externe, vu que je suis libanaise et que je vis dans un environnement de violence généralisée, et interne, au sein de mon foyer.

J’ai grandi dans une famille aisée, que l’on pourrait juger de ‘parfaite’, mais les apparences sont trompeuses, croyez-moi. Mon père, la personne qui aurait dû me protéger, me viola à répétition dès que j’eus 12 ans. Et ma mère, qui était battue, ne pouvait même pas me secourir. Je lui en veux encore, tout en comprenant sa situation. Ses parents ne voulaient pas l’aider, elle ne travaillait pas, était sans le sou, et dépendait de son mari en tout.

J’ai dû fuir la maison à 18 ans. Heureusement que mon conjoint de longue date m’aida à louer une chambre en banlieue de Beyrouth et à poursuivre mes études. J’ai dû accumuler les petites besognes pour arrondir mes fins de mois.

Il va sans dire que j’ai dû changer de look pour que mon père ne me retrouve pas, couper les ponts avec tous mes amis d’école, et même ne plus parler avec ma mère, mes frères et soeurs.

Des années ont passé. Je me suis mariée, eu des enfants, et je vis ‘normalement’, mais le passé me hante. Mon cas n’est pas isolé. Je sais qu’il y en a d’autres comme moi, mais qui n’ont pas eu l’opportunité de pouvoir s’en sortir plus ou moins bien. Je maudis encore mes parents, ma communauté et l’Etat. Tous responsables…

Bien d’enfants et d’adolescents payent le prix des guerres des adultes, de la violence qu’ils s’infligent et infligent aux autres, notamment aux plus faibles, aux sans défense.

Ma confiance en mes parents et en mon pays a disparu, mais j’ai confiance en ma volonté, en mon mari et en mes enfants. J’ai encore de l’espoir. On peut reconstruire les pots cassés, les coeurs meurtris.

Tout n’est pas perdu. En tous cas, moi, je veux encore y croire. C’est ce qui me donne la force de continuer, en dépit de tout.

A toutes ces femmes – et aux hommes aussi – qui souffrent, vous n’êtes pas seules, et les solutions existent. Tout commence par soi… S’aimer pour pouvoir apprendre à aimer autrui. Se faire confiance pour faire confiance aux autres et à la vie et oser éteindre les incendies… Le passé, on ne peut l’oublier, mais on apprend à en gérer les conséquences. 

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Témoignage recueilli en libanais et traduit en français.

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Image: Film ‘Incendies’, adapté de la pièce de théâtre de Wajdi Mouawad.

Equality doesn't mean justice

I always hear that men and women should be equal. On paper, I agree with it. But practically, it’s not doable. Men and women are not equal, and chances are they will never be. When you have two of one thing, there’s a power dynamics at play. There are two genders, two roles, two social constructs, and until the stigma attached to both of them is removed we can only dream of having equal rights and equal opportunities between both genders.
I think the most beautiful thing is that these two genders actually complete one another. We can’t have a man without a woman and we can’t have a woman without a man. And nobody should feel less of a person because of that. We should be willing to give ourselves a chance to see that and accept it in order for everybody to move forward and not have anybody left behind.
The main arguments I hear are that anything a man can do a woman can too. I’m sorry to be the devil’s advocate, but that isn’t true. There have been researches that prove that men and women function differently and exceed in different areas. If we want to take this as a rule, we should understand that there are always exceptions to the rules. Yes, of course there are women who are physically fit and could win a fight against a guy. But how many are there? We neglect the biological difference between men and women and I would like to bring my testimony to this:
I’m transgender. I was born female and I’ve undergone gender reconstruction. There are very obvious physical differences between men and women, and transgendered people are the only ones who know it firsthand. In every scientific research, the comparison can only be done with ONE variable. So, to compare men with women is not a valid equation; we can’t compare different people in different stages in their lives, but what we can do is compare one person before transitioning and right after and of course check the progress over the years. Transgendered guys, like myself, simply get stronger (physically) when testosterone is introduced in their bodies. The mass of body muscle spreads in a way that is different from girls. Without even exercising, the level of physical strength gets a boost. In addition, we get angry faster, and we flip faster too. But, what used to get us emotional before just doesn’t do the trick anymore. It’s not that guys are jerks; we just are built in a certain way. In contrast, transgendered girls feel like they’ve gotten weaker over time. Their physical strength diminishes, they get emotional a little more often and over things that wouldn’t have gotten them emotional before, and their tolerance for alcohol lessens.
What I’m trying to do here is take one person and compare how they were with how they are. I think that is the best way we can understand the differences between both genders, within the same person. This way nobody can argue that this girl is built differently from that guy (DNA, predispositions, etc.). We are talking about the same person, just in transition (physical transition) from one gender to the other.
Equality sometimes can be unjust. I think it’s not fair to ask for equal conditions for women in the military, for example. In the Lebanese law, we have 19 bullet points that describe the kind of work women are not allowed to be in.
We could get lost in the fight for equality, because people can see it any way they see fit. How many times have I heard “Women want equality? So if I hit a guy, that means I can hit a girl!”?! The truth remains that violence is a problem, whether used against men or women, and that violence should be taken off the table in all cases. Equality can be interpreted in many different forms but justice can only be seen in one way: equal rights, equal opportunities, no discrimination and no preferences.
“Everybody is a genius. But if you judge a fish by its ability to climb a tree, it will live its whole life believing that it is stupid.”
 
 

The Road to Hell

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh

Following this morning suicide bombing at a police checkpoint on the Beirut-Damascus highway in east Lebanon killing one police officer and wounding 32 people, the blocking of several roads in the capital, the raid in a hotel for terror suspects, and the numerous articles published few days ago about ISIS (The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) and the partition of the Middle East, I remembered John F. Kennedy’s quote: “Mankind must put an end to war before war puts an end to mankind”.

True, but how? And what mankind?

When Middle Eastern countries are partitioned, if not fragmented, in parallel with the rise of terrible Islamic extremism and devastating sectarian/political conflicts? Spare us the artificial borders’ argument, “the idea of redrawing the Mideast map is nothing new” and ‘Iraq and Syria (will Lebanon be next?) are impossible to maintain as nation-states because they were created by European powers after World War I!

When the American administration is “slowly weighing the repercussions of any steps it might take in Iraq or Syria?”?

When ISIS or Da3ech with its destructive ideology is allowed to grow and the Iraqi army to collapse while regional and international powers are rushing to take advantage of the situation to further their interests?

When Sykes-Picot agreement (1916) is overturned by trans-border armies and mercenaries – not by the common political will of free people?

When fanaticism, salafism, authoritarianism and Islamist Frankenstein-ism undermine dialogue, conviviality and moderate political/religious visions/practices?

When longstanding international powers’ geostrategy in the Middle East is using tyrants and terrorists to expedite access to regional oil and gas resources?

When the only geopolitical strategy applied is ‘Divide and Rule’, which involves exploiting fault lines between various groups in the Middle East to turn them against each other and dissipate their energy on internal conflicts?

I honestly do not think so…

No matter how much warlords think they are making history, they are directly contributing to its collapse. History is not made by the winners (define a ‘winner’) and no one will come out ‘victorious’ in the current local/regional wars, even Kurdistan. If we, i.e. the Middle Eastern people, the Western Asian people, with our diverse and often contradictory cultures and social-political ideologies, really want peace – meaning ‘really want to break the vicious cycle of war’ -, beyond shutting down ISIS, Al Qaida and other vultures, we could start by dismantling our ignorance, ‘mafichism’ attitude, sectarian mentality, despair, wounded memories, traumas, insanity (In Einstein’s words: “The definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results”), and identity crisis. The current situation promises nothing more than the road to hell, and what we are about to lose is not the ‘mandates’ legacy nor the ‘line in the sand’ as author James Barr called the Sykes-Picot agreement, but our opportunity and unique chance to act in order TO BE and BECOME MORE HUMANE, our only raison d’être.  Sorry Robert Fisk, I do not care about killing off Mr Sykes and Mr Picot, nor if Arthur Balfour will be smiling or not in his grave…

My Islam is that of Amina Wadud

My latest encounter with a fellow Lebanese so-called feminist led to her following statement: “There are no Muslim Feminists. It is a pure contradiction. Islam oppresses women. As long as Muslim women are defending their religion, they cannot claim being feminists”.

Every discussion about “Islam” and “women” must begin with a definition of Islam. Simply stating that “Islam is peace”, “Islam is violent”, or “Islam means hijab” is insufficient, because these stock phrases beg the question of “Whose Islam?”

My Islam is the Islam of Leila Ahmad ‘Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate’, Asma Barlas ‘Believing Women in Islam’,  Aysha Hidayatullah ‘Feminist Edges of the Qur’an’, Fatima Mernissi ‘The Veil and the Male Elite’, etc. and Amina Wadud, the famous African-American Muslim woman who shocked most Islamic countries and communities by leading a mixed-gender Friday prayer congregation in New York on March 18, 2005, and who wrote ‘Qur’an and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s perspective’ and ‘Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam”, one of the first books I read when I was only twenty years old.

What about Feminism? There are multiple definitions. According to Dr. Wadud, Islamic Feminism says that ‘Islam belongs to all of us’, not the exclusive field of scholars and policymakers. Islam is what we all live on a daily basis.

I am Muslim and Feminist. I believe that women, as Amina Wadud did, can seek to redefine and reassess their intimate relationship with God and their identity as Muslims in relation to others – Muslim men, and people of different faiths. Wadud is a famous scholar and one of the founders in the Modern Women’s Islamic Movement. She dared to interpret the Qur’an and Islamic practices to encourage gender equality in Islam and redefine a Muslim woman’s role as more than simply for domestic purposes and child bearing. Her books opened my eyes to women’s issues in my religion and I started to see it – i.e. Islam – as liberating to women as much as it could be oppressive.

Every Lebanese woman, especially every Muslim woman, should see Amina and others like her as sheroes. I know I do. I finally understood through her that gender struggles are at the very heart of reforming Islam today and she does represent these struggles in a passionate and powerful way. According to Amina: “Patriarchy got us out of the caves but it can now be retired in favor of equality and compassion”.

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Image courtesy of  AFP/ Lluis Gene

 

من أجل نسويّة فاعلة

د. باميلا شرابيّة

~~تركّز عدّة دراسات حاليًّا وخاصّةً منذ بدء ما سمّي بالربيع العربيّ، على مكانة المرأة بشكلٍ عامّ، والنسويّة بشكل خاصّ، في سياق الحرب والاحتلال العسكريّ والنزاع الأهليّ في بلدان المشرق العربيّ. أذكر على سبيل المثال: أمل عميرة، أميرة يوسف بدري، داليا سعيد مصطفى، دينا جورجيس، هيفاء زنكنة، إلخ. تعكس هذه الدراسات التزاماً عميقاً بقيم الحرّيّة والمساواة، ولكنّها تعبّر عن خيبة أمل بسبب خيانة هذه القيم. فإنّ النسويّات يقفن اليوم في موقف صعب: التماثل بشدّة مع الحركات الوطنيّة، أو الابتعاد عنها بسبب أوضاع النساء المهملة في المجتمعات العربيّة.

READ THE ARTICLE HERE:

http://www.darelmachreq.com/ar/desc-almachreq-online/310-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%82%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D9%82%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%A9%20-%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%AF%D8%AF%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%B9%20-%20%D8%AD%D8%B2%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%A2%D9%A0%D9%A1%D9%A4%20%20

AND

http://www.darelmachreq.com/sites/default/files/article-online%28pamela%29.pdf

MIGRANT DOMESTIC WORKERS IN LEBANON

Joanna Salibi

More than two hundred thousand migrant workers and approximately five percent of Lebanon’s population – most of them women from the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Ethiopia – work in Lebanese households. This type of employment is called domestic work and includes many tasks in private homes such as cooking, cleaning, laundry, caring for children or elderly in the houses and running errands. They represent a large fraction of the workforce however they do not benefit from the same rights as other workers such as factory workers or local shop assistants.

The Lebanese Labour Laws established in 1946, still states until today in article 7 that domestic workers employed in private households are excluded from these laws. The laws include appropriate work conditions for employees such as minimum wage, maximum working hours, holiday or sick pay and the right for an unfairly treated employee to file a complaint to the ministry of labour. Most don’t even get a day off and if they do they are usually not allowed to leave their employers house. Human rights are defined by the United Nations as rights that are essential to all human beings, whatever their nationality, place of residence, sex, ethnic origin, colour, religion or any other status. It is more than obvious that human rights are not respected in Lebanon, and one example out of many is the improper treatment of migrant domestic workers.

The employees usually travel to Lebanon hoping to find a profitable job due to the economic and social pressures in their own country as well as the lack of education. They have little knowledge of the work conditions, their rights or the migration process, which results in mistreatment by the agencies that are sending these workers as well as their employer. Migrant domestic workers are vulnerable to abuse because of forced labour in private households, lack of legal protection and due to the fact that they are living in a foreign country where most of the time they do not speak the language. Many are forced to work and some employers forbid them from leaving the house while confiscating their passports and using violence or threats to control them and force them to work long hours with usually little pay or food.

The sponsorship system in Lebanon is what’s keeping the employees so imprisoned because it means that their immigrant status in the country is dependent on them working for a single employer who is legally responsible for them. As a result the majority of domestic workers live with their employers leaving them victims of human rights abuse. A survey (2010) with Lebanese employers of migrant domestic workers showed that 88% believed that the employer has the right to confiscate their passport, 31% of employers lock their domestic worker in the house when they go out and 80% do not allow their employee to leave the house on his or her day off. These numbers are shocking and should really open people’s eyes, no matter the nationality these employees are people and no Lebanese citizen should think that they are better than them or that they should be treated in a superior way.

Many employees have also reported experiencing physical, mental and sexual abuse; they were not receiving their salary and felt very restricted in their employer’s house. A female Nepali domestic worker was interviewed in Lebanon in 2010 and these were her exact words “ I did not even get enough food. Sometimes I only had bread and tea. I worked all day, with only bread and tea. One day, I asked for my full salary and I told madam not to send me to work at the houses of her friends and relatives, and I said that if you don’t give me my salary I will not work at all. After saying this, I was beaten right away. She even used shoes to beat me. My right hand was broken and there were bruises all over my body.” That is an example of pure slavery and it is one of the major causes of suicides for the poor employees having to deal with these conditions. According to a report by Human rights Watch, migrant domestic workers in Lebanon are dying at a rate of more than one person per week. Many of the deaths are suicides, most of the rest are accidental deaths caused by workers falling from high buildings while attempting to run away form abusive employers. In 2008 Human Rights Watch reported that in just that year at least 95 migrant domestic died in Lebanon. Of these deaths 40 were classified as suicide, 24 caused by workers falling from high buildings, often trying to escape their employers and only 14 died because of disease of health issues.

The absence of protection of these workers has resulted in countries banning their nationals to travel to Lebanon for labour. Ethiopia officially bans citizens from coming to work in Lebanon, and migrant Philippines are permitted to travel legally only when they are earning a salary of at least 400$ US per month. Currently the set rate is 200$ US for Philippines, 100$ US for Africans and 150$ US for Sri Lankan workers monthly.  I don’t know where to begin because there are so many things wrong with this logic, for one they are extremely underpaid and secondly it is ridiculous that they receive their salary according to their nationality. Everyone should be getting equal rights, Lebanese or not.

I personally did not grow up in Lebanon, and to see the amount of racism in this country is unbelievable. I’m not saying that in North America there is no racism, but at least everyone has the same rights. In Lebanon migrant workers are practically slaves while abroad immigrants are getting an education and becoming employed like the rest of the citizens. For example, it’s normal to see doctors that originated from India overseas, or whites, Asians, and blacks all getting along however in Lebanon it’s very rare. I hardly see a Lebanese that associates with different races in a friendly manner, it’s very uncommon and you notice that people tend to stare if you do.

Here’s an summary of an article that I read that really disgusted me, I will never understand how humans can treat other beings in such a way:

On March 14th 2012, a poor Ethiopian woman committed suicide after she was seen being beaten and dragged by men in Lebanon outside the Ethiopian consulate. Her abuse was caught on film and shows her shouting “No, No, No.” and struggling to resist the men dragging her and forcing her into a car as many just stood and watched. Alem was the woman’s name, she was married and a mother of two children, she had only been in Lebanon for two months and arrived illegally since her country (Ethiopia) bans her to come work in Lebanon.

Here’s a video explaining Alem’s full story: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ykTB9VgXNtc

Finally to conclude, I passed around this mini survey to a couple students around the university just to see the overall mentality of some of the students. I only asked 10 students, so results could vary greatly with a larger student count.

Survey

  1. Are you aware that migrant workers in Lebanon aren’t entitled to the same labour laws as Lebanese citizens?
  2. Do you believe that migrant workers are treated as they should be in Lebanon?
  3. Do you think migrant workers are underpaid?
  4. Do you think the laws should be changed so that everyone has equal rights?
  5. Do you personally treat migrant workers how you treat a family member/friend?

 

This diagram shows the student’s response to every question. They were simple yes or no questions, the blue clearly stating if they answered yes and the red stating that they answered no in relation to every question.

 

  • 60 % are aware that migrant workers aren’t entitled to the same labour laws as Lebanese citizens.
  • 40% think that the workers are being treated correctly.
  • 40% think that the workers are underpaid.
  • 40% think migrant workers should have equal rights.
  • 20% treat migrant workers how they would treat a family member or friend.

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References

  1. https://www.change.org/en-GB/petitions/stop-the-abuse-of-migrant-domestic-workers-in-lebanon
  2. http://wagingnonviolence.org/feature/lebanons-migrant-domestic-workers-demand-equal-rights/
  3. http://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/docs/710/Labour%20Code%20of%2023%20September%201946%20as%20amended.Publication%202010.pdf
  4. http://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/pages/whatarehumanrights.aspx
  5. https://www.change.org/en-GB/petitions/stop-the-abuse-of-migrant-domestic-workers-in-lebanon
  6. http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/LebanonCodeOfConduct.aspx
  7. http://www.irinnews.org/report/78865/lebanon-few-rights-low-pay-for-200-000-migrant-domestic-workers
  8. http://www.antislavery.org/includes/documents/cm_docs/2013/m/mdw_fact_sheet.pdf

ساعِدٌ تَعِب

ساعدي يحمل الأوهام المتدحرجة

على أيّام رجال طرابلس الباكية،

يؤجّجها فمي ويلوّنها بكلمات أمعائي،

فتتفيّأ بها لتحيك مستقبل موتي المستحيل.

ساعدي يغرِف الزمنَ

بين تساقط الرمال على فَرْجي،

فيبتسمُ تاريخاً يمْرَق الخوفَ،

يحضن الجفاء والغضَب،

ويمازح سدود مياه الملائكة الضائعة.

ساعدي يدعو المروجَ

تنبتُ ليتلاشى البشر،

وترويه الآلهة بدموع الملحمة

المعلّقة على وَبَر بشرتي المتثائبة،

فيداعب تلّةَ البشائر.

ساعِدي يحاور قُرىً غُيِّبَت،

أذبَله قذفُ والد علي

فيردح السفوحَ تارةً ويتركني تِئَرٌ.

يعود لكي أعود إليه،

ولكن كيف لي أن أبتغي عودة البرتقال

ليدجّ الفرحة في قلوب الشباب العاتِب.

ساعدي يبعث بما فيه

نحو المدى الظالم،

فيحمل معه صدوراً أفرغتها البنادق،

وساوَرتها معالم متمايلة

تخشى محاكاة الماضي.

ساعدي ضائع أضاعني،

أردته حريّة،

فتركني نظرةً ساذجة

تتسوّل أمام باب دجّالٍ

يحرق الكَم والكيف

ليحدّد نساء بلادي 

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Image source: http://lindseybuchmann.blogspot.com/2012/12/silhouette-collab-freedom-712.html