كلام امرأةٍ عائدة

كلّ عامٍ على جسدي

تغرّد في حناياه كائنات المستقبل

تفتح فخذَي على عالمٍ

مزّق معانيه رجلٌ غاب عن الجحيم

فرفضته شياطين السماء

وألقت به في بلادي.

كلّ عامٍ على جسدي

يمضي في أنهارٍ من وعود رجالٍ

غمرتها قوانين تطالبني بتسعة أشهرٍ

وتمزّق سنيني في غبار اسمٍ لم أعرفه

فأراه يناديني من ماضٍ يضحك ويصرخ

“طفولةٌ، طفولتي”

فأرضخ للمجهول وأبكي.

كلّ عامٍ جسدي

تساوره الشكوك فيأكل نفسه

حتّى يجد كلماتٍ تتقاطع في أشلائه

ويأخذه الحنين فيحبّ والده ليكذب على نفسه

ووالدته لينسى صراخها وذنوبها

ويمضي في أخاديد الخطيئة الوثيرة

بين أخواتٍ تتلهّف في احتساء أشلائها.

كلّ عامٍ جسدي

تدغدغه الحريّة

فيفترس أعضاءً تناشد خياله

وتبعثر أحلامه

حتّى يختفي في ظلال أثوابٍ

أو تحت كحولٍ تسرق مراسم مستقبله

حيث ينظر الثواب الماكر

في جوف فارغ قد أحرقته الأشواق

وقتله الحب الغائب في طيّات البحار

… تلك البحار الّتي تأخذه اليوم

نحو جزيرة النسيان في صدور الإنسان الصاخبة.

“Watte Sawtik !! Skete !! Khrasse!!” وطي صوتك ! سكتي ! خرسي – The Culture of Silence

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh
(Red Lips High Heels)

“Keep your suffering locked in your heart; unveiled suffering is scandal and dishonor”.

“Behind every great man is a woman”.

“A woman’s weapon is her tears”.

“Sois belle et tais-toi!”

Most women in Lebanon and Western Asia are taught to be powerless, docile, weak, to serve and obey, to be followers not leaders, to be silent…

 “Silence is medication for sorrow”.

“If talk is silver then silence is gold”.

A taciturn woman deserves high praise, for belonging to the ‘good and quiet type’. It is of her that people say:

“She has a mouth which eats but does not speak”.

However, to be sure, she is usually put to the test:

“Break a woman’s spinning thread and you’ll see what language will come from her mouth”.

Indeed, if her mouth remains silent, she deserves the prize for submission.

The main message dictated in such proverbs and many others is that female voice/vision/opinion has no weight. A woman is a ‘feme covert’, a ‘woman eclipsed’, covered by her husband, or her father, her brother, her uncle, her male cousin… A wife has to be dedicated to serving her master in silence and bearing his children, and a good wife produces a male heir, which gives her the right to speak, but the voice of her husband remains the dominant voice – clearly a patriarchal ideology that has been so deeply embedded for so long that it seems completely natural for numerous Lebanese, unassailable, indisputable.

There are several theories explaining the oppression of women, even in biological terms such as the sociologist Stephen Goldberg in his book ‘The Inevitability of Patriarchy’. Goldberg suggests that men are naturally more competitive than women because of their high level of testosterone. This makes them aggressive and power-hungry, so that they inevitably take over the high status positions in families and society, leaving women to the more subordinate roles. In the view of psychologist Steve Taylor (‘Back to Sanity: Healing the Madness of the Human Mind’), most human beings suffer from an underlying psychological disorder which he calls ‘humania’. The oppression of women (along with despising women and inflicting brutality and degradation on them) is a symptom of this disorder. “What sane species would treat half of its members – and the very half which gives birth to the whole species – with such contempt and injustice?” What sane species would silence its half?

In many Asian and African cultures, silence is revered. Eastern Asian cultures associate silence with wisdom and power. Most religions have long recognized the virtue of silence in meditation and communal life – silence is used to connect to the Supreme Being, or for spiritual purification and growth. Silence has been emphasized as the prerequisite to learning. It has a relational advantage, whether the relationship is between a professional and a client or in counseling (the ability to listen is an important trait of a good counselor). It is a common practice to have a moment of silence when something tragic happens – a way of paying respect by showing sympathy to the victims and their families. Silence helps also one’s mind to rest – an exhausted mind cannot make the best decisions –; and in certain circumstances, when someone gets arrested, silence is the best thing to avoid further incrimination.

However, when individuals and communities impose silence/use silence as a weapon to control, it becomes synonymous with alienation, oppression, marginalization and discrimination. Many are the families in Lebanon and Western Asia that socialize women to bear their traumas with sealed lips. Outside, all the other institutions in society underline the same message. Oppressed women internalize the culture of silence and other negative images of themselves created and imposed by others, and feel incapable of autonomy and self-governance – most victims of the culture of silence frequently manifest reluctance to complain, even if they are agonizing, and they insist on hiding their pain under the pretext of social conventions, customs, religious laws and traditions.

Lebanon is plagued by a culture of silence on many levels: contemporary history, national war memory, forced disappearances, sexuality, racism, secularism, Lebanese Jewry, poverty, social injustices, etc. and, despite civil society’s initiatives and large-scale condemnations on social media, a culture of silence towards crimes and discrimination against women still prevail – the controversial draft-law on domestic violence that was approved by the Parliament on Tuesday is one of the many examples of this prevailingness (see references below).

Most Lebanese fear each other for different and varying reasons. Fear silences them (imprisoned psyche) and breeds distrust regardless of their gender, ethnicity, age, religion or political affiliation. They remain silent because they believe silence protects their well-being, their families, their livelihood, their chance of survival. But is this the legacy that we wish to leave our children?

More than ever, women and men believing and struggling in/for Peace and Human Rights are challenged to question power imbalance in private and public spheres, to resist the culture of silence/fear/oppression, even if many families’ and communities’ prestige and status are at stake when women go out and speak about the abuse they suffer at home and at their workplace, about their opinion, ideas, dreams, ambition and passion; even if society finds it tough to acknowledge that the personal is also political and social – especially “women’s personal”. More than ever, Lebanese citizens are challenged to bring about this paradigm shift, to question themselves, the government, political and religious leaders, to speak about their truths openly and not let MPs or anyone else decide on their own which voices are important and which aren’t.

This post (and call) is not a declaration of war. It is an acknowledgement of consciousness, a consciousness that will spread, sooner or later…

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References concerning the recently approved draft-law on domestic violence in Lebanon:

http://www.kafa.org.lb/kafa-news/72/%D9%83%D9%81%D9%89-%D8%AA%D8%B4%D8%B1%D8%AD-%D9%85%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AD%D8%B8%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%87%D8%A7-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%AD%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B3%D8%A7-%D9%88%D8%AA%D9%83%D8%B4%D9%81-%D8%A3%D8%B3%D9%85

http://www.kafa.org.lb/FOAPDF/FAO-PDF-9-635101053455518206.pdf

http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Lebanon-News/2014/Apr-01/251935-parliament-approves-domestic-violence-law.ashx

http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Lebanon-News/2014/Apr-02/251992-activists-decry-weakened-domestic-violence-law.ashx#axzz2xn6c40kE

Plaidoyer pour les civils libanais! (1) Pour la cause des femmes

#nolawnovote#kafa

#nolawnovote#kafa

Je vis au Liban, ce petit pays-sables mouvants, ce pays-dérive, ce pays-mirage aux douceurs et douleurs mêlées… Un pays aux couchers de soleil beaux à tomber par terre, aux magnifiques ciels d’hiver quand ils rejoignent la mer entre deux orages. Un pays aux sourires familiers à faire chavirer les plus endurcis, réchauffer les coeurs les plus engourdis. Un pays beau et compliqué comme tous les pays et toutes les cultures du monde. Un pays où l’on parle plusieurs langues, où se croisent et s’entrechoquent plusieurs mondes…

Ce pays-là est le mien : il pourrait y faire si bon vivre!

J’observe les gens dans leur vie quotidienne. Je les écoute, je lis leurs avis, espoirs, leurs plaintes et besoins, qu’ils soient épiciers, livreurs-delivery en scooters, femmes de ménage, journalistes, médecins, enseignants, artisans, jeunes et moins jeunes. Et je ne sais comment traduire tant de courages et de pessimismes mêlés – à tous les niveaux de l’échelle sociale, dans différents quartiers et régions du pays, selon diverses croyances religieuses et affiliations politiques – en un texte de quelque utilité, porteur de quelque lueur!

Que dire de plus, au nom des gens?! Que peuvent encore les civils au Liban, “de tout temps” pris au piège de la géopolitique et des rivalités pour le pouvoir ? Où se trouvent aujourd’hui les expressions d’une civilité minimale, dans un pays annoncé ‘depuis toujours’ mort -né ; un pays où suivre les informations est, au minimum, déprimant!

Etat des lieux de notre propre délitement en live et in progress, ce texte est un hommage à la société civile libanaise, résistante à sa façon à mille obscurantismes, censures et obscénités érigés en arts de vivre et de gouverner au XXIème siècle!

La véritable obscénité réside dans l’indécence et la violence de comportements, devenus si ordinaires: elle est dans une corruption massive et diffuse que chacun finit par trouver “naturelle”, dans ces images de corps déchiquetés après un attentat et montrés très vite sur tous les écrans (parce qu’”il faut”, pour le scoop), dans ces enfants au regard triste qui vendent leurs roses rouges ou leurs chewing-gum aux passants et automobilistes, dans ces jeunes miliciens qui tuent pour presque rien, quelques dollars (et d’ailleurs, tuer pour quoi?…) et paradent fièrement avec leurs armes… la liste est si longue.

Il y a quelques semaines, lors du téléscopage médiatique de la vraie-fausse “affaire Jackie Chamoun” et du meurtre d’une rare sauvagerie de Manal Al Assi par son époux, l’obscénité a consisté en un incroyable renversement des réalités, énoncé et dénoncé par la journaliste Rayan Majed dans cet article: When killing a woman is a “private matter” and nudity a public matter!

Oui, les civils libanais ont droit à une ode!

Ce vous, ce nous, ce toi et ce moi qui persistons à faire comme si…

A vivre comme si la guerre et la mort ne rôdaient pas, toujours plus assoiffées de sang, de larmes et de divisions; de plus en plus proches de nous… Parfois, elles pénètrent et s’installent en nous, dans les têtes; quand elles envahissent les coeurs, quand la noirceur s’installe, il n’y a plus rien à faire, plus rien à changer.

A vivre comme si le pays n’était pas complètement déglinglé, comme s’il ne (nous) fuyait pas de partout!

A faire de “sérieux” projets d’avenir qui ressemblent à de hasardeux plans sur la comète, lorsque nos lendemains sont tous les jours incertains. Et pourtant ils fonctionnent ces projets, c’est tous les jours miracle au Liban… Et pourtant ils tournent!

A y croire malgré des infrastructures et des flux (routes, eau, électricité, internet, téléphone…) structurellement, chroniquement aléatoires, nous le savons bien: et aucun gouvernement ni aucunbayan wizarî (déclaration du gouvernement) âprement négocié n’y changeront rien !

Ode à tous ces modestes employés de boutiques, bureaux, supermarchés et tous locaux de services. Ode à ces enseignants, élèves, étudiants, médecins, artistes, écrivains, éditeurs, juristes, journalistes, sportifs, investisseurs immobiliers, architectes, hommes d’affaires, citoyennes et citoyens “ordinaires”… à tous ceux-là et toutes celles-là qui constituent la société civile et qui voudraient encore y croire. Tout simplement, croire qu’il est encore possible de vivre et parier sur un avenir au Liban.

Roulement de tambours: le 8 mars est redevenu le symbole de la mobilisation et de la lutte des femmes libanaises!

Il reste en effet des lueurs d’espoir! Réuni(e)s dans un beau “yes we can” (baad!), les participant(e)s à la manif pour les droits des femmes libanaises ce 8 mars 2014 à Beyrouth étaient heureux et heureuses d’être là, ensemble.

Cet après-midi-là, les femmes ont repris possession de “leur” date – même si elles aimeraient ne plus avoir à la célébrer! C’était un vrai beau moment, un signe rassurant de maturité citoyenne et politique: hommes et femmes  de ce pays ont tout simplement réussi à être ensemble par-delà leurs différentes orientations politiques! Ils étaient quelques milliers à défiler joyeusement et paisiblement dans les rues d’une capitale et d’un pays cerné par les menaces d’attentats, sous le contrôle de l’armée libanaise et devant des automobilistes bloqués et bienveillants, ô miracle!

Représentation théâtrale hurlée d’un sombre mariage, marche de mères et proches de plusieurs femmes tuées par leurs compagnons, slogans et affiches en tous genres, djembés africains… Avec une vedette symbolique et triste incontestée, la cocote-minute portée tout le temps du parcours par une femme souriante et décidée: “cet instrument est uniquement un ustencile de cuisine”. Il a été utilisé comme outil de meurtre d’une jeune femme (Manal al Assi) par son mari, il y a quelques semaines à Beyrouth ; voir ce reportage  de presse sur la manif ou encore celui-ci.IMG_8868

La marche a duré plus longtemps que prévu, nous n’avons plus si souvent l’occasion (et le cran) de nous réunir ainsi pour des causes transversales qui ne soient ni du camp du 8 mars ni du camp du 14 mars: les promesses d’un nous nous retrouverons ont été nombreuses, notamment de la part de l’Ong KAFA (ça suffit), de MARCH (contre la censure), Women in Front et bien d’autres encore…

Et si le slogan “jinssiyati“/ma nationalité devait être central et a été éclipsé avec la médiatisation récente – et nécessaire –  des violences domestiques, la journaliste et auteure Roula Douglas a pallié de belle manière sur les écrans de télévision au manque de visibilité de cette revendication, pourtant ancienne et majeure: le droit des femmes libanaises de donner leur nationalité à leurs enfants! On peut lire en version écrite le point de vue limpide de Roula Douglas sur ce sujet, que les législateurs libanais refusent de considérer sous le prétexte fallacieux du fameux tawtindes Palestiniens.

Pour sa part, la journaliste Médéa Azouri l’a relevé  haut et fort : nous sommes toutes des salopes  emboîtant résolument le pas au mouvement qui avait ouvert la voie en France à la légalisation de l’avortement il y a… 40 ans!

Quant à la chercheure Pamela Chrabieh, elle signe un excellent papier de synthèse sur ces mouvements féministes – son blog (http://www.redlipshighheels.com) est une plate-forme majeure de réflexion sur le féminisme et sur les femmes libanaises. Elle observe l’amorce d’un nouvel élan de mobilisation (facilité par les réseaux sociaux) et relève l’importance d’une meilleure coordination entre les nombreux mouvements de protestation et de revendication, pour gagner en efficacité et résultats juridiques et politiques.

Cette manifestation d’unité, si bien démontrée le 8 mars, pourra-t-elle se prolonger et aboutir à des victoires juridiques (et l’application des textes!) tel un amendement  contre le mariage des très jeunes filles, et aussi l’amendement au projet de loi sur la violence domestique, déposé depuis 2010, pour punir les hommes de viol contre leurs épouses? Rendez-vous mardi 1er avril, jour où ce projet de loi va enfin être discuté au Parlement, dans l’objectif d’être adopté. Une très belle campagne se développe dans les réseaux sociaux, portée par l’ONG KAFA: #nolawnovote#kafa pour suivre spécifiquement l’adoption ce projet de loi.

En attendant, 49 députés sur 128 n’ont toujours pas signé la pétition réclamant la clause sur le viol des femmes par leurs époux! (lire ici cet article de Rayan Majed)

8 mars 2014, Beyrouth

8 mars 2014, Beyrouth

 

8 mars 2014, Beyrouth

8 mars 2014, Beyrouth

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Cet article fut en premier publié sur le site suivant: http://libanchroniquesciviles.wordpress.com/2014/03/31/plaidoyer-pour-les-civils-libanais-1-pour-la-cause-des-femmes/#comment-40

Our history is not drawn linearly, it is a braid of stories!

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh
(Balamand University, 21-03-2014)

I started to be interested in the war and peace issues in Lebanon when I left my home country to pursue my studies at the University of Montreal (QC, Canada). While living abroad, I learned that once the war grabs hold of you, it never loses its grip; it shapes one’s emotions, thoughts, attitudes and actions. It becomes part of one’s identity. Therefore, tackling the issues of war and peace is first, to me, a personal struggle, and catharsis, incarnated in my academic work, my artistic work and my activism on an individual level and in local, regional and international NGOs.

This personal struggle is linked to a collective one, to the common concern of other intellectuals and activists who advance the idea that confronting the war in its past and current dynamics, and the psychosocial aspect of the war, or the war of traumas and wounded identities within the Lebanese society – quoting the late Lebanese psychiatrist Adnan Houballah -, is necessary for breaking the war vicious cycle, and for political and cultural renewal. After all, we live in a country where the State encourages forgetfulness and political parties create sectarian interpretations of the war and disseminate conflictual discourses and images through different media.

I have closely studied the initiatives and visions of many peace activists in Lebanon since 2001. Let me refer you here to my book ‘Voix-es de paix au Liban” published by Dar el-Machreq in 2008, and Dr. Sune Haugbolle’s book “War and Memory in Lebanon’, published in 2010, where we show, through an analysis of different written and cultural productions how the recollection and reconstruction of political and sectarian violence that took place during the 1970s and 1980s war period contribute somehow to Lebanon’s healing process, or at least give hope for a better future. When I started teaching in Lebanon in 2007, I expanded my research to high school and university students – also refer to my book ‘La gestion de la diversité au Liban. Visions de jeunes du secondaire’ (Dar el-Machreq, 2009). As I see it, many of the reasons why a process of critical reflection on the past is absent in this generation may lie in the Lebanese Education system and the absence of extensive Peace Education.

In my paper, I present one of the many aspects of a qualitative research targeting 500 students in three universities: St Josef, Notre Dame and Holy Spirit – students I taught while using an approach I developed over the years, which I called the ‘Inter-human pedagogy’ – the characteristics of this pedagogy are displayed in my paper, as well as the theoretical frame, the major concepts and the application in my classrooms. One of the goals of my approach is to contribute to the needed memorialization process by shedding light on existing narratives of the past and encouraging young people to construct their own while trying to find common truths with others. This generation needs to receive specific attention, as it is the generation that inherits the experience of violence as still living memory, and which molds and converts this remembrance into some form of collective memory or historical knowledge.

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh
(Balamand University, 21-03-2013)

The three main objectives of my research are the following: 1) To assess my pedagogical approach 2) To further understand the challenges of Peace Education and provide valuable insight on the advantages and difficulties of teaching and learning about war, peace, human rights, etc. in a university context 3) To identify the representations of war and visions of peace of university students, often neglected in academic studies and policy-making reports.

Two kinds of activities were used as ‘data generating’ platforms:  Storytelling activities on War and Art workshops on Peace. Storytelling activities in my classrooms included oral stories’ sharing and creative writing – at least 3 sessions per semester – with an assignment using Digital Storytelling.  As for Artistic Workshops, I ask my students to express individually and collectively their visions of Peace using Visual arts – at least 2 sessions per semester. In group workshops, students from different backgrounds learn how to create ‘shared spaces’ that may help them better understand each other’s beliefs and practices. Art can help them feel the pathos and waste of war and help to instill a desire and commitment to end war and work for peace. I believe that to create a culture of Peace, we must first imagine it and arts can help us do that.

The major methodologies of data collection I used are that of Storysharing and Participant Observation, and methodologies of Analysis are the Narrative Analysis and the Analysis of my field notes. Details are found in my paper.

 
Here are few of the many themes I identified when analyzing the collected data:
War memories versus a culture of silence

Based on a survey I conducted in my classrooms, about 40% of the 500 students, all born in the 1990s, were not able to tell stories of the past. They knew very little of most of Lebanon’s history. Many of these students’ parents were not affiliated to political parties, or they were ex-militia who never raised the war subject at home. According to these students, they “never experienced the wars in Lebanon”.  However, while 30% preferred following the ‘blank page’ approach, believing the prospects of ending conflict were bleak, or the ‘wait and see’ approach, saying that to be Lebanese is to be in a constant state of wait, by the end of the course, 70% were seeking ways to cope with the memory of past violence in order not to repeat it, and to work on healing wounds.

Inherited (Micro-Macro) War Memories

60% of the students told stories about how their parents experienced physical war during the 1970s and 1980s. Stories of bombings, shelters, every day survival tips, death in family… Few shared what they experienced during the summer 2006 combats. 

 ‘My father taught me the basics of shooting guns when I was a child. He never clearly explained why he thought it was important for me to be trained, until the events of May 7, 2008 (when inter-sectarian clashes in Beirut occurred). He told me then ‘Do you see why I taught you how to fight?’
This is what I call the micro level of inherited war memories or micro trans-generational narratives.

 As for the macro level of inherited war memories or macro trans-generational narratives: at least 70% of these students associated with a certain collective narrative. According to the pro-Kataeb students, the starting point of the war in Lebanon is the presence of Palestinians who wanted to expand beyond the refugee camps, thus attacking Christians and the Lebanese State. According to the pro-Leftists students, the right-wing Maronite Christians held great power and did not want to share it with others, thus creating social and political inequalities. Other students named Israel and Syria to be the only responsible forces at the basis of wars in Lebanon and their continuous ‘fuel’. Some blamed colonial powers such as Great Britain and France following the end of First World War and the dismantlement of the Ottoman Empire. Others blame the Ottomans, then the Turks, or the Cold War between the United States and USSR. Also, some students described the wars in Lebanon to be only civil wars and in particular Muslim-Christian conflicts.

 Furthermore, historical events were made to fit the individual narratives, by being added to or excluded from the narratives. For example, when students were asked about the massacre of Palestinian civilians which occurred in Sabra and Chatila refugee camps in 1982, many acknowledged the Israeli responsibility while dismissing the right-wing Christian Lebanese Forces’. When they were asked about the conflicts in Mount Lebanon between Christian Maronites and Druze, those who identified themselves as being Maronites only recalled the massacres of Christians by Druze. Similarly, anti-Hezbollah students failed to acknowledge the numerous Israeli invasions and occupations of Southern Lebanon.

 War memories: from hatred to conviviality

 There are students who portray peace as the elimination, deportation or destruction of the ‘other’, perceived as an enemy, while backing their vision on a particular perception of Lebanon’s past.

 Two people with their own different beliefs and perspectives concerning life, and life goals, can never unify and become one in a same country, especially if one people dominate the other by the use of force (i.e. Muslims and Christians).

Also, there are students who think that peace is achieved when sectarianism (as social-political system and attitude) is abolished, or even religions.

 However, a large part of the artistic work produced showed students had positive attitudes toward others. Positive war memories were being shared in the classroom, especially stories of interreligious/inter-sectarian dialogue and conviviality. A student argued that peace comes with “the acceptance of the fact that I am a rock among many other rocks, here to stay, but nonetheless working in harmony with other rocks to allow the structure to stand”. Another student associated the idea of being Lebanese with “living in a plural society and respecting the opinion of others”.

 In fact, at least 65% of  students see peace as harmonious relations between Lebanese, whether interreligious/intersectarian or inter-human. It was clear in their artistic work, interventions in class and written assignments. One of the students drew a musical key with the caption “we are all part of the symphony!”. Another student used a famous juice ad slogan. He drew a carton can of juice, and then added all the different denominations which form Lebanon as if they were the main ingredients, with the slogan “There is a little bit of Lebanon in all fruits!”.

Conclusion:

My research revealed that despite the ongoing violence, participation in various activities in class yields positive changes in perceptions and relations. Storytelling activities reveal emotional memories, whether conflictual or convivial, that are passed on from generation to generation, allowing individuals to both relate better and distance themselves critically from macro historical discourses; allocating them also to re-discover and understand the pain endured by their family/community, as well as the pain of others, and to recognize that the diversity of memories should be gathered to build a national memory.

Many of the narratives I have collected and then analyzed as part of my research were not experienced by the storytellers themselves. These stories belong to the students’ parents, friends, colleagues, political parties, sectarian communities… Despite this weakness, the process of re-encountering these memories as a mirror of the storyteller’s own experiences of physical violence or as a trigger that will force the storyteller to critically reconsider their family and political party’s narrative is in itself extremely valuable. As such, these stories become an integral part of their own autobiographies, history and identity.

Along with dialogue occurring in the classrooms. these stories have a far wider scope than the lifetime of individuals. They belong to Lebanon’s history. This history does not operate through a linear juxtaposition of facts, but through the co-presence of historical subjectivities. History emerges as a patchwork of truth’s fragments, not as a missing link in the quest for progress. Such a vision of history would help deconstruct the current top-down approach to teaching the history of Lebanon, responsible for promoting political disempowerment. It will develop a shared vision of the past, present and future. “Our history is not drawn linearly; it is a braid of stories”.

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This is the summary of my paper “War and Peace Representations in the Lebanese University Context (Introduction to the Inter-Human Pedagogy)”

Balamand University, Lebanon, 21-03-2014
‘Identity and Conflict in the Middle East and its Diasporic Cultures’ Conference
 

It is better to light a candle than to curse the darkness

My name is Fatiha, I am Moroccan, and I am a big fan of this blog and your work. A source of inspiration and hope for women in the Middle East and North Africa.

My story is a ‘regular’ one in this part of the world, being discriminated at all levels, especially in my workplace and in my family.  My sisters and I are not allowed to do whatever we want, we do not own our bodies and most of the time our minds, and surely we cannot marry unless our father, the master of the house, decides who is fit for the job. Criteria I must confess summarize in the following: a ‘good match’, meaning, ‘a man with money and power’, or the passage from slavery in house A to another form of slavery in house B. Yes I am a victim, of my father, of my mother’s silence, of society, of an entire rotten and unjust system.

However, I heard this motto once and it gave me hope: “It is better to light a candle than to curse the darkness”. Don’t get me wrong, i will not stop cursing the darkness, but this is the first year I see the light – of freedom and justice, or the possibility of this light. First by discovering that so many women are suffering – physical violence, sexual trafficking, lack of education or employment, under-representation at executive levels, lack of access to sexual and reproductive health, basic human rights violations and political under-representation. Second that something have to change. Third that this change cannot occur on its own but I, and other women, with stamina, integrity, curiosity, courage, generosity, humility and perseverance, can make it happen.

Too often, women cannot make their own decisions about their life and their voices are silenced. Marginalization and exclusion harm us all, our generation and the future generations. So it is incumbent on all of us, women first with our untapped potential, and men too, to ask what kind of countries and societies will our children inherit? What kind of world will their children be born into? How will they lead the next generation? The promotion of peace and human rights are fundamental to our future and to our collective well-being.

Let me close with words pronounced long ago by Eleanor Roosevelt:

“Freedom makes a huge requirement of every human being. With freedom comes responsibility. You gain strength, courage and confidence by every experience in which you really stop to look fear in the face. You are able to say to yourself, “I have lived through this horror. I can take the next thing that comes along”.

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Image: 2012 Women’s International Day – Women in Morocco gathered to protest the death of a 16 year-old girl who took her life after being forced to marry her rapist.

A law that allowed rapists to dodge jail by marrying their victims has been changed in the Moroccan Parliament following a campaign by NGOs. Previously, the law stated that anyone who “abducted or deceives a minor” could face a prison sentence under article 475, but a second clause of the article specified that when the victim marries the perpetrator, “he can no longer be prosecuted, except by persons empowered to demand the annulment of the marriage – and then only after the annulment has been proclaimed”. 

Une demeure à construire, un chemin en devenir

Dre Pamela Chrabieh
(Espace Charenton, Paris, Mars 2014)

A ce jour, le ‘Printemps Arabe’ fait place à un rude hiver. En effet, au-delà des résultats des élections en Tunisie, l’opinion mondiale découvre une Libye des révolutionnaires disloquée, la révolte syrienne se transformer en cauchemar, une Égypte en proie au régime militaire et à la chasse aux sorcières islamistes, une Palestine vivant dans l’apartheid, un Iraq ‘libanisé’ et un Liban ‘iraqisé’, au sein desquels les attentats-suicides sont devenus monnaie courante. Si le désir de liberté a permis à des Frankenstein politiques d’être, ces mêmes aberrations se sont donné pour mission d’étouffer toute pensée libre. La restriction des espaces d’expression est une réalité et l’imposition d’une compréhension étriquée de la loi divine risque de renvoyer ces pays aux âges les plus sombres de leur histoire. (…)

Il est vrai que l’existence même de faiseurs-es ou d’agents-es de paix qui tentent de promouvoir les valeurs de réconciliation nationale et les droits humains, constituerait la preuve de la possibilité de la paix, et que l’hiver ne tarderait pas à faire place à un nouveau printemps. Toutefois, il ne suffit pas d’exister d’une manière ponctuelle et disparate pour qu’un changement durable puisse advenir, pour que le cercle vicieux de la guerre soit brisé, pour transformer tant les mentalités que les systèmes socio-politiques, pour édifier une demeure commune pour tous et toutes. Il faudrait, parmi tant d’autres initiatives à entreprendre :

1-      Déconstruire le choc des ignorances, beaucoup plus que celui des religions/confessions ; celles-ci sont  d’autant plus graves qu’elles sont généralement inconscientes – ignorance de l’autre, de ses croyances, de ses traditions, de ses us et coutumes, de ses aspirations à la dignité et à la reconnaissance de son identité, de ses joies, peines et espérances.

2-      Construire un savoir libéré du regard qui enferme les autres (et soi-même) dans des appartenances étroites, des stéréotypes, et qui transforme les traumatismes en mémoire édificatrice de la paix. Se libérer n’implique pas de se constituer un savoir normatif et définitif tel celui qui fut déconstruit. Il s’agit d’entreprendre une démarche interrogative, inséparable de la métamorphose, ondulatoire, telle la figure de l’arabesque.

3-      Créer les conditions concrètes afin que puissent être dépassées ces deux impasses : d’une part, le rigorisme bigot du néo-salafisme et la culture de la violence, et d’autre part, les paradigmes idéologiques importés, issus de la condescendance néocoloniale.

Cette démarche de déconstruction et de construction-création, dans laquelle souvent quelque chose nous échappe, encore plus important que ce que nous pouvons saisir, nous accaparer et circonscrire, ce chemin en devenir, ne peut advenir sans une véritable communion humaine au sein de nos sociétés, dont la libanaise. (…) Cette communion, telle que je la conçois, est le dépassement des frontières tout en respectant la richesse des différences. Il s’agit du passage de la tolérance, de la simple coexistence au quotidien ou le voisinage indifférent, à la convivialité, laquelle contribue à dépasser toute tendance à vouloir choisir entre la négation de soi et celle de l’autre. Chaque pays, quels que soient ses déchirements, devrait avoir sa communion. Sans quoi, ce ne serait pas un pays, mais, selon Régis Debray, « un morceau de lune ». (…)

Dans l’Apocalypse de Jean, il y est dit que Jésus-Christ ouvre la voie au salut. Avec Marx, c’est le prolétariat et le parti. Mais pour l’apocalypse libanais et arabe, seule la communion humaine pourrait être le Messie (le Sauveur), pourrait prolonger l’itinéraire humain à voix multiples, en tenant compte du flou des frontières, de ce qui nous échappe, au-delà des singularités et communautarismes absolus/absolutistes. (…)

Il me semble qu’en dépit de tous les obstacles auxquels nous faisons face dans le monde arabe et notamment au Liban , la situation actuelle ouvre la porte au changement, à la subversion contre les avatars de l’histoire tumultueuse et sanguinaire, à la transformation des mentalités dichotomiques victimes- bourreaux vers une responsabilisation partagée, qui désacralise les seigneurs de la guerre encore au pouvoir, et qui favorise une citoyenneté actrice de paix pesant dans les choix à venir. (…)

Reste à oser aller à contre-courant, à franchir ensemble les frontières qui séparent, à muer la douleur en souvenir fondateur, à retenir la principale leçon de la guerre – qu’elle ne se reproduise plus ! – et comme le dit si bien Pierre Messmer : « Les Libanais n’ont jamais cessé de résister pour conserver leur liberté et leur identité. Ils ont subi de nombreuses invasions, ils ont affronté les pires épreuves, ils ont maintes fois été menacés de disparaître mais ils n’ont jamais désespéré de leur pays (…). A l’instar des Québécois par exemple, les Libanais démontrent qu’un peuple qui ne se résigne pas ne peut pas mourir ».

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(Passages de ma conférence présentée à l’Espace Charenton, Paris, 9 Mars 2014)

Entre le religieux et l’a-religieux, j’appelle au dialogue des féministes libanaises

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh
(Red Lips High Heels)

Je fais partie de la génération des enfants de la guerre des années 70-80 du siècle dernier au Liban. Suite aux accords de Taëf et l’arrêt des combats internes en 1989-1990, je portai en moi tant une mémoire meurtrie que la soif de la découverte de la vérité sur le passé. Construire mon identité en tant qu’adolescente et jeune adulte allait de pair avec une dynamique cathartique du ressouvenir, laquelle passait inévitablement par la rencontre avec l’autre (de religion/confession différente et l’a-religieux/confessionnel), et par la compréhension des relations politique-religion-société, religion-guerre-paix, religieux-sécularisation etc. La guerre était perçue surtout en tant que guerre civile islamo-chrétienne, ce que finalement j’ai pu déconstruire avec le temps, l’activisme et la recherche académique.

L’identité religieuse fut certes instrumentalisée, mais cette instrumentalisation n’explique pas à elle seule les multiples visages des conflits sur le sol libanais. Elle n’explique pas à elle seule le sexisme omniprésent dans tous les secteurs de la société libanaise. Certes, celui-ci marque en force le domaine du religieux, surtout la production du savoir sur le religieux et la gestion du sacré. En effet, bien qu’il existe des individus qui adoptent une vision du monde égalitaire, l’égalité des genres à ces niveaux est quasi-absente. Les obstacles restent nombreux à l’acceptation et la reconnaissance des discours et pratiques des femmes. En ce sens, le religieux et l’identité religieuse, ou leur instrumentalisation, sont oppressants – les ‘lieux’ d’oppression sont beaucoup plus étendus que les ‘lieux’ épanouissants et libérateurs. Et les différences ne peuvent être établies uniquement entre communautés chrétiennes d’une part et communautés islamiques de l’autre. Il est évident que certaines différences fondamentales existent entre les divers statuts personnels (lesquels sont religieux/confessionnels), surtout en ce qui concerne le mariage, le divorce, la garde des enfants et l’héritage. Toutefois,  la même logique, ou le même système se retrouve à tous les niveaux, à savoir le patriarcat, et marque les schèmes mentaux depuis des millénaires.

Aussi, le message religieux, dans son interaction avec les individus et organisations féministes au Liban, est à analyser avec précaution. Il peut devenir un obstacle à la remise en cause des normes sociales lesquelles sont en partie déterminées par la religion. Il peut servir au contraire d’instrument pour rendre les revendications féministes plus acceptables. D’ailleurs, il représente un outil indispensable – matériel et symbolique – à maîtriser pour certaines féministes.

La situation peut-elle évoluer ? Oui, si la lutte a lieu à deux niveaux interreliés, tant au sein des systèmes religieux (comme les théologiennes féministes tentent de faire en Amérique du Nord), que de l’extérieur (individus et mouvements qui luttent pour les droits des femmes, et les droits humains en général, et qui seraient de tendance séculariste). Au Liban, les organisations et individus féministes ont de plus en plus d’impact auprès de certaines tranches de la société, même s’il s’agit de ‘baby steps’ au sein d’un long et pénible processus, mais la lutte à partir de l’intérieur des systèmes religieux est bien loin d’être enclenchée, ou se fait-elle à titre individuel et ponctuel.

Par ailleurs, les féministes (la plupart) se campent souvent ici sur leurs positions, sans qu’il n’y ait de véritables partenariats entre celles qui sont a-religieuses et celles qui sont pro. Les tours d’ivoire sont nombreuses, là où ‘le monde extérieur’ ne peut atteindre l’unité interne, avec l’ivoire comme symbole de matériau recherché que l’on peut ciseler à son aise. Ainsi, ceux et celles qui se trouvent dans leurs tours peuvent-ils/elles jouir d’un lieu privilégié transformé à leur goût, un lieu qui empêche de s’engager avec les AUTRES, pour SOI et les AUTRES, pour une communion humaine et citoyenne à la base de toute avancée, de toute évolution vers le meilleur, de toute survie !

Il me semble plus que nécessaire d’édifier cette communion, cette unité dans la diversité des voix-es féministes libanaises, et de la recréer tous les jours en tenant compte de l’intersection des dominations et des expériences que chacune fait de l’oppression des femmes. Ce sont la compréhension de ces processus et situations diverses, et la construction de ponts en tenant compte de la richesse des différences, dont le religieux et l’a-religieux, qui détermineront notre capacité à porter le projet politique féministe, et à mettre en œuvre des pratiques d’émancipation de et pour toutes les femmes.

 

Thank you for teaching us Life Lessons

On the 9th of March, Lebanon celebrated Teachersa�� Day. During my early years, every year, I used to get my mother a small gift on that day; we were taught in school that mothers are the greatest of all teachers.

How do we feel about teachers nowadays?

For some reason, university professors arena��t counted as teachers. We have excluded them from this day for many years. A�But, dona��t they teach as well? Ita��s great that we appreciate school teachers; they are definitely underpaid and overworked. We give them classrooms of 30 students and barely enough time to get anything through their heads. We give them the responsibility to mold these brains and yet we dona��t motivate them to keep on going. If a student messes up, the parents blame the teacher and the administration will do anything to keep parents happy. This is definitely not a sample for every story we hear about teachers, but it is one of few.

On the other hand, university professors are supposed to take these students that have been educated and guide them in the direction they would like to take their careers. But through observation, Ia��ve noticed that university professors do a lot more than just that. They talk, inform and explain a lot of things outside their respective fields of work. Politics is something that comes up a lot in every classroom. History, whether national or international, comes up as well. Social constructs and etiquette are not far behind on the list. Are these things really made for the classrooms? We have students who attend universities and colleges to take a step forward in their working lives. Why are these general information not acquired through other forms? Why do they need to be force fed? Why dona��t we notice that in our country we have domestic violence before hearing the news about different women passing away because of it? Why do we only realize we have politicians that dona��t do the job they are paid for when they have already been a�?electeda�? again? Why are we blind to the fact that change is within each and every one of us? Why do we only consider it after watching a documentary about how corrupted our country is?

When we have teachers who teach with their hearts, we learn all these things. It seems, to me at least, that university classrooms have lost their standards in higher education. We have turned them into classrooms for social education. This has happened out of necessity and need, because our new generation lacks real education. No matter how much we try to do otherwise, we still see fathers cursing at politician x, and mothers cursing at religion y, and parents overall treating their girls differently than their boys. Education starts at home.

I salute all teachers and professors (yes, professors are teachers as well!) on this day and every day that they struggle to open doors for our generations. Thank you for listening, thank you for letting us express ourselves and a big thank you for teaching us life lessons!

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What about Marital Rape?

I thought of writing this post a while ago, when students of mine were talking about marital rape as if it was a futile subject to tackle, claiming that women have the obligation of satisfying their husbands’ sexual needs (‘sex is a wifely duty’), that their own desire and consent do not matter, that God created women to be submissive to and obey men in every aspect of their lives, that what happens in a home is seen as private family business, etc. More than what Ms. Randa Berri said few days ago – ‘Marital rape cannot be proved, thus cannot be criminalized’ -, I am strongly concerned about the pervasiveness of patriarchal attitudes and deep-rooted stereotypes regarding the roles and responsibilities of women and men in the family (i.e. wives are the property of their husbands and marriage contract is an entitlement to sex), in the workplace and in society, of many Lebanese citizens. I am also concerned about the lack of information and accurate documentation in our academic establishments (schools and universities) regarding gender-based violence in all its forms.

Also, there are no established national monitoring indicators or tools and no national survey dedicated to gender-based violence. Research on the performance of NGOs on gender-based violence is rare. Furthermore, there are gaps in understanding the financial, logistical and cultural barriers preventing the prosecution of gender-based violence. There is no common national understanding, even no common definition between NGOs, of what are marital rape, domestic violence, economic violence and discrimination (family and State levels), modern forms of slavery, successful women’s empowerment strategies against violence, especially those developed and used by women survivors… There is, arguably, a reason to believe that extensive contextual researches and common non-governmental discourses positively contribute to policy reforms and mentality change.

In that sense, here are few points to open the door to a constructive debate:

1-      Rape is rape, regardless of the relationship between the rapist and the victim – Please note that I refer to wives and husbands, however it can be understood to refer to all rapes perpetrated by an intimate. Also I am looking at rape on women, since this is by far the most common situation.

2-      Marital rape occurs when your spouse forces you to take part in sexual acts without your consent. Broadly defined, it includes any unwanted intercourse or penetration (vaginal, anal, oral) obtained by force, threat of force, or when the wife is unable to consent.

3-      Marital rape is generally sub-divided into three categories:  violent rapes (involving physical violence and injuries, such as injuries to the genital area or breasts) – violent rapes are easily proven -; ‘Force-only’ rapes (including enough force used on the part of the abuser to control his wife, but coercion plays a large part – the victim may be confused and numbed by constant emotional abuse); ‘sadistic ‘ rapes (the victim is either forced to comply with or undergo deeds designed to further humiliate her – urinating on the victim, acting out a fantasy of torturer… There is a difficulty however to define clear-cut lines between the different types of rape, since rape can involve any of the above or a combination of them.

4-      Researches show that marital rape can be equally, if not more, emotionally and physically traumatizing than rape by a stranger. Quite apart from physical and sexual violation, it is a betrayal of trust.  Also, while stranger rape is a sexual act of violence apart from the victims’ normal relationships, marital rape has to be understood in the context of an abusive relationship – emotional and possibly physical abuse.

5-      It is a myth that marital rape is less serious than other forms of sexual violence. There are many physical and emotional consequences that may accompany marital rape: Physical effects include injuries to the vaginal and anal areas, lacerations, soreness, bruising, torn muscles, fatigue, and vomiting. Women who are battered and raped frequently suffer from broken bones, black eyes, bloody noses and knife wounds. Gynecological effects include vaginal stretching, pelvic inflammation, unwanted pregnancies, miscarriages, stillbirths, bladder infections, sexually transmitted diseases, HIV, and infertility. Short-term psychological effects include PTSD, anxiety, shock, intense fear, depression and suicidal ideation. Long-term psychological effects include disordered sleeping, disordered eating, depression, intimacy problems, negative self-images, and sexual dysfunction. (http://vawnet.org/assoc_files_vawnet/ar_maritalraperevised.pdf)

6-      Many women who are victims of marital rape have great difficulty in defining it as such. The traditional idea that it is impossible for a man to rape his wife and that somehow, in taking our marriage vows we have abdicated any say over our own body and sexuality, basically denied ourselves the right to say ‘no’, is still prevalent amongst wives as much as amongst their husbands. Many women prefer to see it as a communication problem, or think that men are not fully responsible ‘due to their nature and their biological needs’, or have religious issues which question their right to refuse intercourse.

7-      Sexism is at the heart of marital rape, just as it is at the heart of most forms of sexual violence. The widespread idea that a husband has a right to sex, and has a right to use his wife’s body for this purpose, makes it difficult for many in mainstream Lebanese culture to recognize sexual coercion in marriage. How can a husband be guilty of taking something that belongs to him? Often the marriage vows are seen as giving contractual consent to sex; hence the crude joke “if you can’t rape your wife, who can you rape?” (http://www.wcsap.org/sites/www.wcsap.org/files/uploads/documents/MaritalRapeMinnesota.pdf)

8-      Sacred scriptures passages have been used to tell women that it is their duty to satisfy their husbands sexually – if a woman fails to do so, then she gets what she deserves if her husband “loses control” and rapes her. Women are also often told that if they “turn the other cheek” and love their husbands completely, they will be able to transform their husbands’ behavior. Many Christians enter into marriage with certain expectations, including regular sexual activity, while focusing on the following Biblical passages: “The husband should fulfill his marital duty to his wife, and likewise the wife to her husband. The wife’s body does not belong to her alone but also to her husband. In the same way, the husband’s body does not belong to him alone but also to his wife. Do not deprive each other.” (1 Cor. 7:3-5). These quotes are often used by men to “convince” their wives of their sexual responsibilities: “Wives, be subject to your husbands, as is fitting in the Lord.” (Col. 3:8). “Wives, ‘be subject to your own husbands,’ as to the Lord. For the husband is head of the wife, as Christ also is the head of the church, He Himself being the Savior of the body. But as the church is subject to Christ, so also the wives ought to be to their husbands in everything.” (Eph. 5:22-24). However, the Bible describes the beauty and complexity of the marital companionship that creates the context of lovemaking: “Husbands, love your wives, and do not be embittered against them.” (Col. 3:19). “Husbands, love your wives, just as Christ also loved the church and gave Himself up for her…So husbands ought also to love their own wives as their own bodies. He who loves his own wife loves himself; for no one ever hated his own flesh, but nourishes and cherishes it, just as Christ also does the church, because we are members of His body. For this cause a man shall leave his father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife; and the two shall become one flesh. This mystery is great; but I am speaking with reference to Christ and the church. Nevertheless let each individual among you also love his own wife even as himself…” (Eph. 5:25-33a). “You husbands…live with your wives in an understanding way…and grant her honor as a fellow heir of the grace of life, so that your prayers may not be hindered. To sum up, let all be harmonious, sympathetic, brotherly, kindhearted, and humble in spirit;” (1 Pet. 3:7-8).

In Islam, the Quran clearly establishes that the relationship between husband and wife should be based on love and affection (2:187, 30:21 and others). Rape is incompatible with this ideal. It is a crime of Zina, which refers to extramarital or premarital sex. Some jurists have argued that there is a standing “consent” given at the time of marriage, so they do not consider marital rape to be a punishable crime (or that within marriage there is no extramarital or premarital intercourse, thus, by definition, there can be no marital rape). There can be illegal intercourse within marriage such as intercourse during menses, during obligatory fast or intercourse which will harm the woman, due to illness, infection and so on. Lebanon’s highest Sunni authority had previously slammed the idea of criminalizing marital rape as “a Western heresy”. The Shiite Hezbollah movement, meanwhile, said the bill “interfered in the affairs of husband and wife”. Other scholars have argued that rape is a non-consensual and violent act, which can happen within a marriage as well. Ultimately, a husband has a duty in Islam to treat his spouse with dignity and respect.

9-      Marital rape is considered a criminal offense in many countries including Argentina, Australia, Austria, Barbados, Belize, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, Ecuador, England, the Fiji Islands, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Honduras, Hong Kong, India, Ireland, Israel, Japan, Kazakhstan, Macedonia, Malaysia, Mexico, Namibia, Nepal, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, The Philippines, Poland, Rwanda, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Taiwan, Trinidad/Tobago, Turkey, the United States, Uzbekistan, and Zimbabwe. In Lebanon, the draft law against domestic violence (2010) recognizes the existence of marital rape, but marital rape is not defined as a crime – only assault and battery are considered a crime.

10-  According to Articles 1 and 2 of the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in its resolution 48/104 of 20 December 1993, violence against women include: (a) Physical, sexual and psychological violence occurring in the family, including battering, sexual abuse of female children in the household, dowry-related violence, marital rape, female genital mutilation and other traditional practices harmful to women, non-spousal violence and violence related to exploitation. (b) Physical, sexual and psychological violence occurring within the general community, including rape, sexual abuse, sexual harassment and intimidation at work, in educational institutions and elsewhere, trafficking in women and forced prostitution. (c) Physical, sexual and psychological violence perpetrated or condoned by the State, wherever it occurs. Sadly, this Declaration is not fully recognized by all UN member States, including Lebanon.

11-  It is estimated by NGOs working with abused women in Lebanon that almost 80 percent of female victims of domestic violence are also victims of spousal rape (http://www.unfpa.org.lb/Documents/4-Review-of-GBV-Research-in-Lebanon.aspx – Review of Gender based Violence in Lebanon). But cultural norms and the social stigma often attached to rape can and do discourage the reporting of marital rape. Most victims do not seek assistance, especially not formal help, and significant barriers exist to seeking help including a scarcity of safe, accessible and effective places of protection and intervention.

12-  The personal status laws encompass different degrees of domestic violence against women. Such laws still confirm the accessory role of women and allow various forms of moral and physical violence against them. As long as there is no common civil personal status law applied to all Lebanese, with only religious communities regulating matters such as marriage, parenthood and inheritance, marital rape will probably not be criminalized.

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Image source: sportinc.wordpress.com 

لا للعنف… لا للصمت

يحتفل العالم اليوم بيوم المرأة، تكرّم سيّدات رائدات في مجالهنّ، تقام الندوات والمؤتمرات التي تناقش حقوق المرأة، وطموحاتها، وانجازاتها في الميادين السياسية والاجتماعيّة والاقتصاديّة كافّة. يغيّر محرك البحث جوجل Google شكل صفحته الرئيسيّة احتفالًا بالمناسبة.

          ولكن في زاوية مظلمة، في مكان ما، امراة لا تشارك بمظاهر الاحتفال. امرأة يضربها زوجها بوحشيّة، يغتصبها ان لم ترد اشباع حاجاته الجنسية حين يطلب ذلك، يمنعها من العمل، يمنعها من الاحتفاظ بهامشٍ من الحريّة. يصادر جسدها وعواطفها وأفكارها ويحكم عليها بالسجن المؤبد في مملكته.

          لقد شهدنا مؤخرًا في لبنان جرائم قتل عديدة تقع ضحيتها نساء متزوجات، جرائم يمكن اعتبارها تتويجًا لعنفٍ يمارسه الزوج على زوجته طول سنوات زواجهما. فرولا يعقوب، منال العاصي، وكريستال أبو شقرا أسماءٌ تذكّرنا بالمستوى الدنيء الذي وصلت إليه انسانيّتنا. هنّ نساءٌ رُحّلْنَ عن هذه الحياة باصرار الأزواج. هنّ نساءٌ تعرّضن للتعذيب من قبل الزوج والتزمنا الصمت خوفًا منه، أو من الفضيحة، أو طلبًا للسترة. التزمنا الصمت وساهمنا في الوصول إلى تلك النهاية المأساويّة. صحيح أنّ لا شيء يبرّر الرضوخ والتكيّف مع الظلم كمصير، ولكن من جهة أخرى لا قانون يحمي المرأة؛ فسياسيو بلدنا لم يقرّوا بعد قانون حماية المرأة من العنف الأسري.

          هذا اليوم- الثامن من آذار- اليوم العالمي للمرأة،  ليس مناسبةً للاحتفال فحسب بل هو مناسبة لتجديد النضال، لتجديد المطالبة بحقوقنا نحن النساء. ندعو كل امرأة تتعرّض للتعنيف وتصمت أن تثور على نفسها، على الخوف الذي يسكنها وترفض الظلم. إن لم يساندها القانون اليوم، فهناك الكثير من النساء والرجال الذين سيدعمونها ويناصرون قضيّتها حتى تسترجع حقّها بحياةٍ كريمة.

نور زاهي الحسنية