Women’s Day by Dr. Pamela Chrabieh Red Lips High Heels (Oil and Acrylic on Canvas)
“International Women’s Day” (March 8) will be celebrated this year in many countries around the world, including Lebanon and Western Asia. This Day recognizes women for their achievements, their struggles and their diversity. It is also an occasion for looking ahead to the untapped potential and opportunities that await future generations of women, while diligently reminding ourselves and our societies of the continued vigilance and action required to ensure that gender equality is gained and maintained in all aspects of life.
As Red Lips High Heels’ founder, it is my pleasure to announce a week of posts, quotes and messages, written by the numerous authors-contributors featured on this blog, all united against women’s and human’s suppression and inequality, united to increase out knowledge in order to use it for human good, united for change!
This is a week to celebrate and honor ancestors, grandmothers, mothers, spouses, sisters, aunts, cousins, friends, colleagues… with flowers and gifts, political rallies, conferences, cultural events, women’s craft markets, and more: with continuous positive-constructive thoughts and praxis.
This is a week where we are invited to believe in the following: Every woman/human being makes a difference!
The study of Feminist/Women’s movements not only contributes to our understanding of women’s experiences of political and social change, but also helps to bridge the gaps between local activism and feminist theory. Feminist claims and organizations in Lebanon and most Western Asian countries are not new, and credit for the growth of new Feminisms must go to its pioneers, the women who first came to see their inferior status in society and to understand that such inferiority was not a divinely ordained fate that they were obliged to accept.
I have recently published a book in Arabic on women’s status, experiences and situations in Ancient Western Asia (‘Womanhood in Western Asia, A Journey to the Past’, Beirut, Dar el Machreq, 2013), proving the long-existence of Patriarchal systems and mentality, but also, gender equality ‘spaces’ within ancient cultures and religions. Still, feminisms as social-political movements arose at the end of the nineteenth century, coinciding with that of the reformist movement. What those pioneering women achieved was not negligible, even if they focused on charitable work – except for Egypt with its Women’s Educational Society founded in 1881, and the Instructive Women’s Union in 1910, raising public awareness of women’s rights as a key objective. A second wave could be identified during the 1940s, a period marked by the resistance of Arab societies under imperialism, with most of the claims focusing on issues such as polygamy and women’s right to education. In Lebanon, the Lebanese Women’s Council came into being in 1943 and the Committee of Lebanese Women’s Rights in 1947.
Following the end of the Second World War, women’s associations were created by communist parties throughout the Arab world – such as the Association of Lebanese Women in 1947-, socialist parties and conservative parties, but they came close to forgetting their founding objectives when they considered women’s issues should be subordinated to national liberation. After Independence, Arab societies witnessed a proliferation of civil associations in general and of women’s associations in particular, all springing up to champion women’s causes – basically education, political rights and deconstruction of traditional roles. The second half of the 1970s witnessed the first steps towards the founding of women’s organizations independent of official political organizations, but the war in Lebanon during the 1970s and 1980s stopped the proliferation of local initiatives.
Following the Taif agreement in 1989, and especially during the 1990s, a progressive consciousness was reinforced locally, inspired by United Nations’ conferences such as the Women’s World Conference in Beijing in 1995. A common vision was then shared: democracy, development, human rights (including women’s rights) and peace are inseparable. As the gap between the ruling regime under the Syrian authorities and parts of society widened, many civil associations and non-governmental organizations were founded. This ‘explosion’ gave the impression that the Lebanese society was on the move or seeking to improve its conditions, and it proved to be effective on many levels such as the 2005 uprising against the Syrian Occupation. Still, the new consciousness and the rise of civil society did not help Lebanese women obtain most of their rights and equality in political and economic life, nor the full approval of international agreements such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). According to many experts, this paradox can be explained by attributing it to the pressure exerted by international organizations – women’s representation arose as a concession on the part of many Arab countries. The latter accepted the formal incorporation of women into few cultural/social/political projects on condition that they remain a mute, motionless presence (http://www.arab-hdr.org/publications/contents/2005/ch5-e.pdf, p.139).
The latest revolutions in the Arab World gave women a chance to raise their voices, thus in Egypt, Tunisia (and even Lebanon), women were revolutionized, calling for gender equality and the end of gender-based violence and discrimination. Though many commentators have warned that the Arab Spring is turning into a Winter, the situation is more complex. With the war in Syria and its direct impact on Lebanon’s political and economic crisis, the continuous upheavals in Egypt, and the dust settling in other countries, there are both challenges and opportunities to expand the roles women play in shaping the forces that affect their lives – and to assess these roles. True that Middle Eastern countries ranked disappointingly in the World Economic Forum’s 2013 Global Gender Gap Report, true that there is a high risk during transition processes that political factions compete to outbid each other’s conservatism thus undermining women’s rights in the process… However, the outlook for women remains uncertain, with much to gain or to lose. And yet, despite the complexity, my research covering civil movements in Lebanon – based on content analysis and participant observation since 2001, and especially online activism since 2005/2006 -, has uncovered an explosion of new activism of women.
Indeed, women of diverse generations, socio-economic classes, sexual identities, political and religious/sectarian/non-religious/non-sectarian affiliations, many of whom had never previously taken part in politics, have sought with courage and creativity to change their society for the better. Women working individually or in groups are increasingly raising their voices, forging new roles, gaining in influence and proving that struggling for women’s rights is not an ‘illegitimate foreign imposition’ but a local contextualized diversity of visions and practices. We are witnessing a new phase of women’s mobilization in Lebanon, comprised of Kafa, Nasawiya, Abaad, Women in Front, Lebanese Women’s Right to Nationality and Full Citizenship, True Lebanese Feminist, Red Lips High Heels, and so many other online/ offline Feminist/Women’s Movements and organizations.
In some of the cases, these movements/organizations attempt to influence the state through a two-pronged approaches, both indirectly through local empowerment programs and, indirectly, through attempts at influencing the state – refer to the demonstrations for Citizenship and street protests against Domestic Violence or the antiquated Rape Law. In other cases, the focus is on consciousness-raising and education – in other words, on changing women’s and most Lebanese mentalities through storytelling, academic literature and intellectual/training-of-the-mind-to-think initiatives. Still, despite these Lebanese movements/organizations’ different approaches and divisions on priorities and strategies (such as the 30% quota in the Parliament versus equality), they all seek to empower women in particular and marginalized human beings in general, and therefore, they contribute to enhancing democratization and help raising expectations that democracy could pursue progressive but not radical agendas – democratization does not simply refer to the process of developing liberal democratic procedures for electing political representatives, but also to direct participation in decision making at a variety of levels. Also, these movements/organizations provide proof of the existence of a vital civil society and reinforce the Toquevillean view that problems could be addressed by organized groups of citizens and not, as is the tradition in the region, only by the traditional political parties. In addition, they share the following characteristics:
1) a common diagnosis: Lebanese women are second-class citizens, seen and treated as ‘eternal minors’ playing decorative roles; they live in a Patriarchal system where the state and large parts of society wage a war on their bodies, safety and well-being; Sexism, Misogyny and Gender-based violence should be urgently dealt with, along with other major social problems such as racism, sectarianism, corruption, homophobia,…; women should have the right to their bodies, their sexuality, to be free to express their opinions and make their own choices; women should have equal rights of employment, equal treatment and pay; women must play an active role in the political process, assume more leadership roles and have all their citizenship rights…
2) a common voice: refusing empty promises; refusing to postpone the battles of today to tomorrow (NO to the “halla2 mich wa2ta” excuse – wait for the right moment!); refusing to be silent.
3) a common anxious feeling and an unusual passion to do something meaningful – in other words, people involved in these movements/organizations are politically-minded. They do things because of their belief in the ideals that define what it means to be a Lebanese, a woman, a human.
4) a common attitude which is the grassroots – an attitude of freedom, creativity without undue concern for conventional roles of authority, and unrestrained political enthusiasm.
5) a common resistant posture to central control – those activists/movements/organizations cannot be made subservient.
My recommendations:
If these movements/organizations do not work on building a common network/coalition, they will definitely suffer from burnout and experience a high level of disenchantment. To be successful, they need to be organized in ways that could put pressure on political parties and the executive to pass laws, and able to follow through to monitoring the effects of that legislation and ensure that the executive and the courts implemented the laws that were passed – Ivory towers will not help! They need to create a common sustainable awareness campaign and common education tools for schools and universities. They also have to reach a consensus on the issue of autonomy – lacking a tradition of local philanthropy or the support of membership dues, many organizations have become dependent on external funding, thus restricted in their initiatives. They need to build bridges with other civil societies’ actors/actresses in order to reach a consensus regarding the general social, political, economic and cultural conditions that necessarily impact women’s empowerment and human rights in general. They need to gather and share knowledge when it comes to assessing their achievements and failures, to create a new discourse to override the current paradigms – most Lebanese women are not aware of Lebanese and Arab feminisms, and many activists focus only on street struggles and dismiss the intellectual struggle or the reform of visions and mentalities! They need to be part – together, in solidarity – of consultations to set benchmarks as well as processes to monitor their implementation. They should dialogue and find a common discourse concerning the religious-secular divide on women’s rights – many secular feminists dismiss religious feminists and vice versa.
There are more and more feminist activists in Lebanon and they have already made great strides. The awakening occurred. For this reason, the idea of rallying efforts to advance women’s rights and create a ‘resistant’ culture based on gender equality and social justice, that places women’s rights benchmarks at the heart of political dialogue and settlement, appears feasible. Change may be in the offing…
1- Lebanon is not “one of the best places for a woman to be” – in fact, it is “one of the worst”. According to the Global Gender Gap Report 2013, Lebanon’s rank is 123 out of 136 countries. Discrimination against women and girls – including gender-based violence, domestic violence, economic (in the labor market, women are still over-represented in lower paid sectors and under-represented in decision-making positions) and political (only 3% of parliamentarians are women) discrimination, reproductive health inequities, harmful traditional practices and laws – remains one of the most (if not THE MOST) pervasive and persistent forms of inequality. Afraid of scandals? This is not only a scandal, this is an abomination!
2- Lebanese society and most Western Asian societies place certain expectations on a being from the moment the sex of the child is determined giving more social/political/legal benefits to males than females, their performance judged by different standards than men’s, having to work harder to have their work valued as highly as a man’s. The self-image given to a female by society places restraints and creates a gap between males and females, thus creating the disproportion and inequality amongst them.
3- The way political parties operate is one of the major obstacles to the equal participation in democratic politics. Most parties sadly lack in the identification, selection and nomination of female candidates for leadership positions. Internal party cultures all too often reflect unwritten rules on male privilege and the use of power as a tool for domination by one gender. If they change the way they work, political parties can play a vital role as the vehicle for political gender equality. If not, we definitely need new political parties!
4- There is no shortage of potential female candidates. Many are the Lebanese women with enough experience, education and leadership skills. My colleagues at “Women in Front” have recently identified at least 100 Women Leaders who could easily be part of the political arena (Refer to the ‘Women Leaders Directory 2013’ – SMART Center and Women in Front). Women do not know less about politics than men. As humans, we are the product of our sex in a way, but much more, of our environment, life choices, experiences, acquired knowledge, etc.
5- Most feminists do not seek Matriarchy. Matriarchy would be as big of a problem as Patriarchy, just at the other end of the spectrum. Men and women, and individuals of different identities, should balance each other out, not suffocate one another.
6- Gender equality is a prerequisite for economic growth, democracy and welfare, and also the basis for the full enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms in political, economic, social, cultural and civil spheres of life – a reminder for the skeptics and for those asking: why do we need gender equality?
7- Gender Complementarity (i.e. Sexes are different but equal) should not solely be adopted as a Gender Equality Model. This model generates equality by promoting symmetrical reciprocity o the sexes and highlighting gender difference symbolically and socially. It also institutionalizes gender separation in social, economic and political domains. Yes it does place core values on the interdependence between the sexes, identifies men and women for example as reciprocal partners with shared interests, both benefiting from their harmonious cooperation rather than as competitors with conflicting interests; but it tends to be symmetrical. Therefore, another model has to be seriously taken into consideration: the Gender Triviality model or the scarcity and social insignificance of the symbolic elaboration of ‘men’, ‘women’, and their relationships in a given culture… In other words, sex difference is socially and culturally insignificant because men and women are primarily considered as individuals and members of a community regardless of their sex difference. Gender equality is achieved effortlessly within such a social-cultural framework… ‘Same-thus-equal’. The Vanatinai islanders of the New Guinea provide a well-documented example of such a society, where both individual autonomy (strength, wisdom) and communal solidarity (sharing, generosity, nurturing) are promoted, and individuals who possess desirable characteristics often attain prestigious titles and roles through their hard work and generosity – see also the Aka of the Western Congo and the Okinawans at Henza. In Lebanon, an ‘in-between’ model could be implemented at all levels: that of Gender Unity. While recognizing certain differences between men and women (and other sex/gender identities), a gender-unified society minimizes the symbolic and social significance of these differences, and maximizes gender similarities. Sexes are defined as essentially similar and are bound to each other in value, interest, obligation, authority, and social status. Gender equality is thus fostered in the unity of the two sexes, rather than being achieved by a careful distribution of equal power and prestige between males and females (Further reading: Frameworks for Societies in Balance).
8- Families will not be “destroyed if gender equality is promoted and implemented! We will just have to develop effective work-family policies that promote gender equality by enabling women to become parents without sacrificing their engagement at work and encouraging men to work in ways that do not sacrifice their engagement as parents. Unfortunately, momentum for such reforms is hampered by the resurgent narrative that women and men (including most religious and political leaders) don’t want it.
9- Until we move beyond paying lip service to the principle of gender equality, real progress will remain elusive. Rocking the boat is sometimes the only way to get things done when attitudes are entrenched and discrimination is deeply embedded in a society. And by rocking the boat I mean: more awareness campaigns and knowledge production, education reforms, and creating more effective cooperative platforms between civil society’s individuals/groups/movements to demand the following: equal treatment legislation; equal economic independence; equal pay for work of equal value; equality in decision-making; dignity, integrity and ending gender-based violence; equal integration, and equal opportunities in all functions in society … – while keeping in mind that the need for female participation in the workforce and the measures set up to facilitate this (such as state-arranged childcare and family-friendly working hours) is a powerful motivator for a better political participation and political change – refer to the Scandinavian experiences. A Ministry for Gender Equality is also a must – including the portfolio of a Ministry of Women’s Affairs and beyond! This ministry would work on improving gender equality across all other ministries, would be responsible for the Government’s overall activities in the field of gender equality and would contribute to enhancing the national debate with concrete projects involving municipalities, private and public institutions, NGOs, etc.
10- Last but not least, Gender Equality does not kill the sexual desire/life! Contrary toDomestic Violence, Marital Rape, Sexual Taboos, etc. and certainly, when female sexuality is underestimated and dismissed! When we talk about “sharing duties” in the modern marriage, we rarely talk about the work that sexual pleasure requires, and whether that responsibility is being shared equitably, too.
Let me start by saying that as a Middle Eastern 22-year-old I always take a bit of pride being from a country that is more liberated and open than its counterparts. Some name(d) it the Switzerland of the Middle East, others the Paris of the Middle East. Well, for me, Lebanon is just Lebanon. I reckon that all Western countries have liberals and conservatives, Lebanon is no Western country, but it does not fit into the stereotype of conservative Arab countries. The harsh reality is that Lebanon is both, ita��s very sad when a country is considered more open because women can work, drive, wear whatever they want and where a�?Honour killinga�? is illegal (yet some still think ita��s OK to kill in the name of a�?honoura��). But the fact is that a law to protect women from domestic violence is non-existing due to the Oh so many religious sects weighing in on the issue, another harsh fact is that Lebanese women have no right to give their nationality to their children which directly makes them second class citizens.
This brief introduction is for those who are not familiar with the complexity of this tiny Eastern Mediterranean country.
What brought me to write this article is the a�?scandala�� (as reported by the media) of Lebanese Olympic contestant Jackie Chamoun. Oh dear Jackie what have you done? How could you a�?ruin the image of Lebanona�� like that?
See folks, a video was leaked, dating back three years, it is the making of a Ski calendar photo-shoot including Jackie and other professional athletes. (Jackie pictured below)
Since it was the video that was leaked, naturally more was seen than the picture above. Jackie apologized on her Facebook page, I thought she shouldna��t, but she did maybe to calm this whole fiasco down. What I have to state on this issue is that to each their own opinion about nudity or half naked pictures. Some consider it disgusting, sexualizing women, others consider it art (the difference between nude and naked), beauty and freedom. Now concerning the subject of sexualizing women, it is quite common and I do criticize it, however, these types of sports calendars/Olympic contestants/posing are not new. I remember when the London Summer Olympics ended, plenty of Olympic contestants/winners (both male and female) posed for these types of calendars. Whether one thinks it is necessary or not, it is a matter of opinion.
Jackie got a lot of support through social media. And no, not a�?all those who defended her are willing to do the samea�? like plenty of not-so-supporters pointed out, it is a matter of freedom of choice, and shea��s free to show off her body, if some Lebanese do not accept to be represented by a�?someone who stripped naked for a shoota�� then take a look at the parliament/government, Ia��m pretty sure youa��ll have your hands full by criticizing a�?representativesa��.
What I thought was unacceptable was to compare Jackie to the lowest of those who consider themselves a�?singersa�� and a�?artistsa�� (and not worth making them more famous by mentioning their names) who became a�?famousa�� by stripping down and all they have shown is barely there outfits and have no talent and voice. Jackie is a talented athlete. Qualifying to the Olympics takes hard work and determination, if some never heard of her until now, well, ita��s a pity, and whata��s more pitiful is that this young lady along with Alexander Mohbat are representing us in an international sports event but all some people care about is the fact that she showed some skin!
Pity when a woman showing some skin sparks more outrage than women beaten to death by their husbands (a tribute to Roula Yaacoub and Manal El Assi).
When Lebanon is drowning in corruption(S), economic problems, political problems (hint: the country is politically divided, parliament extended for itself, a resigned government, no border control, influx of Syrian refugees, not to mention the almighty a�?Lebanesea�� fighting in Syria)…
Did I mention the maniacs planting bombs and blowing themselves up on our soil?
Never mind all that! Jackiea��s pics are the REAL scandal! Again and again: Oh dear Jackie what have you done? You ruined us.
At least thata��s what some of our media channels think and what a�?caretakera�? Minister of Youth and Sport Faisal Karameh thinks since he asked for an a�?investigationa��. Oh but the minister was not so eager to be the boss when the International Basketball Federation (FIBA) suspended the Lebanese Basketball Federation from competing. The problem? Politics and sectarianism (yes even in basketball). And how can one forget football? Lebanese were extremely excited when Lebanon had a chance to qualify for the FIFA world cup. Long story short: Lebanon lost to Qatar and later it turned out that many Lebanese footballers were bribed to deliberately lose games, those footballers were fined and banned for life, but it was the Asian Football Confederation which investigated the case and not the Ministry of Youth and Sport. Speaking of youth, what has the boss done regarding the unemployment, (just to name one of the difficulties the young generation is facing)? Nothing, rien, nada, nichts, niente!
But no, these topics are not as urgent as Jackiea��s photos!
Well, the International Olympic Law respects the personal freedom of athletes and Jackie will compete. A huge cheer to our Jackie Chamoun and Alexander Mohbat representing us in Sochi, both of you made us proud (with or without any medals).
Katia Aoun Hage
Shocking as it was and is these news of explosions by suicide bombers in Lebanon, fear creeps into the hearts even of those who live way far outside this country. The possibility of dying at any minute, in any place, with no possibility of sheltering oneself goes beyond imagination. During war times, with its own set of awfulness and uncertainties, the Lebanese citizen was somewhat prepared mentally and physically to face those horrors. But nowadays, how can it be safe to be anywhere at anytime?
More shocking is the people committing this dreadful act: they are Lebanese citizens. This is their country. These are their brothers and sisters. Are we to believe that ideologies can turn a person even against his or her own? And if so, what does it mean to the rest of us who witness such extremism in thought and action?
Sadly, this kind of blind following of an authority figure or person is nothing new to the Lebanese person. This past century in our region has witnessed countless of merciless, abominable, and inconceivable acts of killings and murders of Lebanese citizens at the hands of their own. This was a direct link to the automated following of one leader’s line of thoughts and beliefs.
The question remains locked out of the ears of those who are responsible of the safety of this country: Until when the murderers and instigators of these acts will be able to run free and away from justice?
Life is a struggle on all levels. As long as justice and peace do not exist in our country, it is our duty as citizens to do all that we can in the different sectors of the Lebanese society to become the change that we want to see happening around us. Every small act of integrity and honest courageous living brings Lebanon closer to figuring out solutions. Every one of us is responsible and should feel the weight of it. What goes on in Lebanon today is not the norm, and cannot be taken lightly. It is a serious matter when the Lebanese citizen becomes his or her own enemy. Dialogue, intervention and knowledge can be powerful tools to enlighten those who have been dragged into these dark roads of life. It is about time to awake our love for what we have inherited from our ancestors, and start working to bring a world of peace for our children.
Few hours before a suicide bomber blew himself up in a minibus in Southern Beirut yesterday afternoon, I was thinking of Marcus Aurelius famous quote “Do every act of your life as if it were your last” while drawing a ‘local dehumanized human bomb’, as the images of previous blasts were shown on TV. We have been living in a war context since the so-called ‘Lebanese Independence’ of the 1940s, and violence has become our daily bread. Still, suicide bombing is particularly shocking on account of its indiscriminate nature, killing or injuring anyone within range of the explosion, and because of the evident willingness of the bombers to die by their own hands. Furthermore, suicide bombing instills fear because it requires little expertise and few resources beyond a bomb and someone willing to carry it – much more cost-effective than other tactics -, and seems almost impossible for security forces to prevent. In other words, suicide bombing opens a new chapter in the Lebanese war, a ‘bloody grey zone’ chapter where life in itself becomes dangerous, because it carries the possibility of an ‘anytime/ anyplace horrific death with no place to hide’.
If we were living in a country where the State is not dismembered nor corrupted and where unity in diversity is the motto of its people, effective measures would have been taken to prevent such a chapter, ranging from aggressive law enforcement and counterterrorist missions against cells, organizations and leaders, to tackling issues of political instability, social injustice, sectarianism, lack of freedom, poverty and economic crisis. But how can anyone stop an ideologically-driven self-destructing human being who has already forsaken everything for his or her cause while attempting to escape personal crises in a psychologically/physically war-torn country where at least two-third of its population is mentally sick due to decades of piling up traumas and wounded memories? How can anyone stop believers in an afterlife of delights when they live in an unjust and chaotic environment?
Jokes about al-houriyyat and sexual pleasures in paradise, filling Lebanese Facebook pages and other social media platforms, will not stop this madness, nor adopting the ostrich strategy (ps: The Ostrich Strategy is named after the myth that an ostrich, when in danger, will bury its head in the sand. For purposes of this post, I am using the ostrich myth as the basis for what has become a popular, though most ineffective, strategy in business, government, and academia for avoiding difficult challenges. But in fact, ostriches run away as fast as possible when confronted with danger). Along with hyper-mediatization of suicide bombing, its banalization (by becoming ‘accustomed to’) and/or denial of its existence contribute to fueling its causes, effects and longevity.
As long as most Lebanese do not see suicide bombing as the product of multiple factors; as long as they are not willing to face the chaos they are living in by first recognizing their responsibility in its existence (8 and 14 of March, and independent included) along with the foreign (regional/international) powers’, and second trying to find a common ground to build a pluralistic system; as long as the relations between religions and politics are ill-managed; as long as Lebanese do not have a national memory-history-identity to transmit to the younger generations; as long as human beings are used by others as “living tools” – referring to Aristotle thought of human slaves -, exploited at all levels; as long many members of our society feel threatened thus willing to support desperate measures; as long as self-sacrifice is manipulated and twisted forms of martyrdom are embraced; as long as Lebanese do not create a Culture of Healing and a new path towards peace (the impacts of trauma are difficult to heal, but if ignored, traumatic events will consistently be repeated. The insidious characteristics of trauma symptoms are hooked into the original cycle in such a way that they are also self-perpetuating). … Jihadis will continue to use suicide bombing for its tactical benefits regardless of whether or not it helps them politically, Lebanese will be forced to continue the cycle of trauma and the new generations will mature with much greater familiarity and ‘comfort’ with the ways of violence than those of harmony, cooperation and conviviality… War will prevail!
Shaima Jastaina
Oh toi, tourbillon insoutenable sous les couches sublimes
Que la marque de la bête dessine
Autour de tes forces liquides
Où la vérité se donne en murmures fous de joie.
Ma peau se fait l’histoire de ta folie
Qui ébranle leur monde à chaque instant du texte
Et étrangle l’Un au pied du logos repris aux ventres repus
Oublieux des fleuves maternels maculés de signes.
La salive qui fuit de mes seins
Retrouve l’amour dans le sang de tes mois
Qui regardent leurs lois dans les yeux
Sur les souffles insignes de tes cris de délire
Où le monde chaque jour se redessine.
Tes doigts articulent l’ouvert du corps
Qui fait leurs peurs, tes cellules sordides,
Les pâtres qui te lapident,
Puis l’avenir qui plante ses couteaux
Dans les reins du refus.
Ta danse repeint ta chevelure trop diserte
D’éclats qui soudoient leurs lèvres canines
Pour les écraser entre les pierres taillées
Sur leurs histoires déchiquetées
Et leurs membres apatrides.
Ton souffle épuise les nuits malingres
De leurs corps déments qui mentent le désir.
Et si c’était moi Roula Yaacoub?
Et si c’était toi? Ta fille? Ta mère? Ta soeur? Ta cousine? Ta tante?… Battues à mort…
Roula Yaacoub était une femme dite ‘ordinaire’, qui vivait dans une maison ‘anodine’ et qui menait une vie simple qu’elle sacrifiait pour le bien-être des ses cinq filles. Evidemment, Roula n’était pas héritière d’une énorme fortune, ni la PDG d’une importante compagnie; sa mort ne changerait donc pas grand chose au cours des évènements du Liban. S’intéresser alors aux causes de celle-ci et punir les coupables serait probablement une ‘perte de temps’ selon certains “illuminés” dans ce pays.
Un soir de juillet, des cris et des pleurs provenant de la maison de la jeune femme furent entendus dans son entourage. Un voisin se précipita et remarqua les bleus sur la peau d’une des cinq filles et un manche à balai brisé sur le sol. Après avoir demandé à l’enfant de lui expliquer ce qui s’est passé, elle lui répondit: “Papa s’est tellement énervé qu’il a commencé à battre maman.” Roula fut transportée d’urgence à l’hôpital et sa mort ne tarda pas à être déclarée. L’autopsie révéla l’existence de cicatrices dues à un matériau rigide et tranchant tout le long du corps, ainsi qu’une hémorragie cérébrale suite à une forte attaque, un choc brutal.
Récemment, un jugement des plus honteux fut déclaré: ‘L’époux de Roula Yaacoub est innocent. Celle-ci a tout simplement trébuché!’
Le corps judiciaire – une partie de celui-ci pour ne pas généraliser – prendrait-il le peuple libanais – une partie également -, incluant la famille de Roula et ses proches pour des dupes? Des enfants de choeur? Personnellement, je ne pense qu’à deux causes à la base de ce verdict: le piston (al-wasta) et le système patriarcal. Ce verdict, et tant d’autres, rend notre système judiciaire des plus injustes – une injustice déguisée, sous des apparences des plus trompeuses…
Adopter une loi sur papier contre la violence domestique serait certes une solution, mais elle n’aurait aucune importance si elle n’est pas appliquée et mise au service de la protection des femmes sur le terrain. Elle n’aurait aucune importance si tout le système patriarcal lequel marque les mentalités, n’est pas déconstruit.
Je pose donc ici quelques questions aux ministres, députés, juges, avocats, et à toute personne vivant dans ce pays: “Et si c’était votre fille, votre mère, votre soeur, …?” Si c’était votre proche, l’être que vous aimez, battue à mort, ne recevant même pas le repos mérité suite à son décès? Seriez-vous si lâches, si impuissants? Trouveriez-vous toujours des excuses pour justifier, des alibis pour détourner la situation? Diriez-vous toujours “ya haram” tout en continuant vos vies comme si de rien n’était, en ignorant qu’une femme (et bien d’autres) est décédée à cause de limites inhérentes aux systèmes politique et judiciaire, et une mentalité qui laisse la plupart des bourreaux impunis?
Certaines sources affirment que l’affaire ne s’arrête pas là. Espérons cette fois que la véritable justice puisse triompher et que le dossier ne soit pas placé parmi les ‘cas oubliés’.
S’indigner ne suffit plus. Mépriser ne suffit plus. Il faut agir. La vérité n’est pas une opinion, elle ne varie ni selon les circonstances, ni les pistons, ni les intérêts personnels; elle est toujours vraie, qu’on choisisse de la voir, de la croire ou pas. Nous ne pouvons nous taire face à cette injustice et à tant d’autres dans notre pays. Nous ne pouvons ne pas nous révolter!
Je ne suis pas l’enfant d’un zaim, d’un chef de tribu, ni d’un politicien ou d’un homme religieux.
Je ne suis pas une actrice ou une chanteuse, une romancière ou une femme de ‘haute société’.
Je ne suis pas un homme d’affaires, un journaliste de renom ou un lauréat de concours prestigieux.
Je ne suis pas de ceux qui ont le pouvoir.
Je ne suis pas connue.
Il est donc fort probable que mes propos ne soient pas d’un grand intérêt pour beaucoup de libanais.
Toutefois, je tiens à partager quelque chose de mon histoire, celle d’une libanaise de 13 ans vivant dans la vallée de la Békaa, au sein d’une famille à faible revenu, une malheureuse fille qui n’a jamais connu ce qu’est la paix, une fille qui subit continuellement la violence, une fille qui fut privée d’école dès jugée prête pour le mariage, une fille qui fut mariée à un homme de 65 ans, une fille qui est tombée enceinte alors qu’elle ne voulait jouer qu’avec ses amis, étudier et rêver d’un futur différent, une fille qui voulait voyager, devenir pilote, artiste ou médecin, une fille qui a douze frères et soeurs – et dont les soeurs ont subi le même sort- , une fille qui ne peut révéler sa véritable identité, son soi en public, de peur d’être massacrée – comme ma voisine d’ailleurs, tuée par son père et son frère, car elle aimait un jeune homme de confession différente , une fille en sang et en flamme tout comme le pays dont elle est issue…
Je ne suis personne. Et il y a tant d’autres filles qui ne sont personne, qui souffrent en silence, et auxquelles on dit ‘c’est par devoir’, ‘tu es obligée’, ‘ce sont nos traditions et nos coutumes’, ‘tu dois te sacrifier’, ‘tu dois obéir’, ‘tu dois te taire’.
Je ne suis personne. Je suis une morte-vivante, et mes enfants le seront aussi.
Je ne suis personne. Et il y a tant d’autres libanais qui ne sont personne, qui meurent et sont vite oubliés.
Je ne suis personne. Je chante ici mon dernier chant, avant de m’éteindre pour l’éternité…
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Propos recueillis et traduits par Dre Pamela Chrabieh
In the last decades, religious fundamentalism was on the move in several countries, but so were mainstream interfaith dialogue, dynamic encounters among ethnic origins, sexual identities and social classes, and secular ideas/practices/movements. In counterpoint to tidal waves of authoritarianism, terrorism, extremism, exclusivism and absolutism, there were (and still are) individuals and groups of people breaking through the barriers, struggling for democracy, human rights and social justice, and accepting the right of others to hold their beliefs.
There is no doubt that the wars in Iraq, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon and the geopolitical changes in Western Asia and North Africa left many of us living in this region with a vacuum and a profound sense of vulnerability. There is no doubt that until the present moment, there is no ‘order’ in sight – i.e. stability, security, peace… and that the eruptions of violence will not end in the foreseeable future. There is no doubt that speeches captivating many are the polemicists’, foretellers’ and provocateurs’, and that those with power set their own rules. One may easily believe that ‘there will always be wars in Lebanon and the surrounding countries’ and that ‘diversity is a calamity’, abandon all hope and surrender to despair – for so many reasons, we are indeed marching in our own funeral procession! One may easily be waiting for a ‘miracle’! But guess what? There are no heroes who will save us, no sectarian communities who will protect us, nor foreign powers to help us.
Whatever our worldviews might be, we cannot live in a polarized and insular way, we cannot use scapegoats when raising serious questions about the sources of violence, and we surely need to avoid the demonization or adulation of any one ‘higher cause’ be it religion, sectarianism, secularism, democracy, nationalism, etc.
We cannot give up!
We are called to choose to rise to the unprecedented Herculean challenge of healing and transformation that the current catastrophes have thrown in our faces. There are individual and collective responsibilities to assume. This is the time to practice the art of self-examination and introspection, to teach ourselves and our nations’ youth about the basic underpinnings of pluralistic social-political systems of management. This is the time to celebrate the rights of all people to life and liberty, and extend those inalienable rights to the many. This is the time to be ethically committed to integrate rather than segregate the multiple identities and worldviews in a movement of change (taghyir).
We, as citizens, have the opportunity and the obligation to participate in shaping the new ‘order’, to find ways to better manage our diversities, to acknowledge our interdependence, to make the effort to foster a respect for the other and to live peacefully and productively despite differences. Having an active responsibility for the common good gives greater depth to our existence and surely paves the way for our survival – quoting a colleague of mine at the University of Montreal, prof. Patrice Brodeur:
“Every human being and identity group must realize that his or her own survival and quality of life depends on that of others, in a glocal web of interdependence. This in-depth transformation, already started in small pockets of innovative change scattered around the world, is the best option for a truly sustainable security for all; it helps reduce the present trend that would have our collective survival be based on competitive and exclusivist patterns of behavior (i.e. ‘survival of the fittest’ for the holders of a neo-liberal worldview and ‘survival of the rightly guided and believing’ for those of an exclusivist religious worldview) rather than cooperative ones” (The Pluralist Paradigm, 2006, p.18).
There is enormous work to be done and we may tell ourselves ‘This is just too much to bear!’, along with the suffering, the grieving, the full impact of loss… We may believe that struggling for peace is based on an unrealistic expectation. In the depths of our despair right now, we may also believe that it may be time to die… True that ‘All the art of living lies in a fine mingling of letting go and holding on’ (Havelock Ellis), but we cannot give up on the search for peace! We cannot accept that war is inevitable. Our problems are humanmade (locally, regionally and internationally). Therefore, they can be solved, even if it will take many generations. Maybe there won’t be sudden revolutions (referring to the Lebanese case for example), and maybe these revolutions are not the solution, but simply the synergy of diverse processes, ideas and concrete actions… beyond a simple sum of their individual effects.
When the time comes to die, let us as the poet Machado says, die making roads over the sea.
